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1 |
ID:
084884
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Publication |
2008.
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Summary/Abstract |
Relations between Brazil and India seem to be blooming recently, favoured by a mix of domestic and international developments. Together with an expanded terrain of common interests in multilateral political and economic matters, both countries share the trend of perceiving bilateralism as a stimulating and useful learning process. Furthermore, they have assumed a leading role in the process of revival of South-South diplomacy in world affairs. Brazil and India have become major actors in recent proposals aimed at simultaneously promoting a renewed configuration of multilateral institutions and innovative inter-state coalition building among developing countries. The India, Brazil, South Africa (IBSA) initiative is part of this strategy. However, time and maturity are still needed to assert that Brazil-India bilateral ties and converging interests will build up as a relevant dimension for each other's international insertion as well as for an effective renewal of South-South relations in the twenty-first century.
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2 |
ID:
084212
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3 |
ID:
087127
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
With the through settlement of boundary issues left over by history, China and Russia, two big neighboring countries, have increasingly deeped political mutual trust and expanded result oriented cooperation . Russia has given China firm support on questions related to Taiwan, Tibet, East Turkistan terrorist forces and hosting of the Beijing Olympic games.
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4 |
ID:
084591
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Publication |
2008.
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Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the relationship between the Republic of Cyprus and the Middle East. Although it is now a member of the European Union, geographically Cyprus was long viewed as a peripheral part of the Middle East. This has naturally created a certain ambiguity in terms of the relationship the island has with its regional neighbours. However, politics rather than geography has been the main force driving modern and contemporary relations. Throughout the Cold War, Cyprus was a member of the Non-Aligned Movement, along with many of the other countries of the region. Its relations with the region have also been shaped by its desire to prevent the Muslim Arab states from recognizing the Turkish Cypriot breakaway regime in northern Cyprus. In turn, these factors shaped Cyprus' views on a number of regional issues, including the Arab-Israeli conflict and the invasion of Iraq. Since it joined the EU, in May 2004, Cyprus has increasingly taken an equidistant approach on regional issues and increasingly sees itself as a bridge between Europe and the Middle East.
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5 |
ID:
084656
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6 |
ID:
084240
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Publication |
2008.
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Summary/Abstract |
This paper introduces the British Association for South Asian Studies special issue of Contemporary South Asia. Contributions to this volume have been made based on papers presented by participants at the 21st British Association for South Asian Studies Annual Conference held in Cambridge in March 2007. The papers in the collection reflect on different aspects of identity in the contemporary South Asian context, focusing on caste, religion, gender and tribe, and explore the relevance of these signifiers in the lived everyday experiences of these different communities, as well as their broader implications for the contemporary politics of the region.
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7 |
ID:
146621
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Summary/Abstract |
Relations between the USA and Pakistan have been tenuous since the 1947 partition of British India and the subsequent creation of the former. The 1979 Soviet intervention in Afghanistan focused the attention of the international community on South Asia. This article will examine the foreign policies of three successive US Presidential Administrations between 1977 and 1993, and how their decisions and corresponding actions were interpreted by the Pakistani government and its people. The key finding is the trend of the ebb and flow of US interest in Pakistan. The primary research conducted for this article shows that Pakistanis recognize this trend and consider it hypocritical of the US government. The current conditions in South Asia are ominously similar to those of 1992 with the drawdown of US and NATO troops from Afghanistan. Policy-makers would be wise to review the events of 1977–1993 so that the cycle is not repeated again.
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8 |
ID:
087126
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
The relationship between the two sides of the Atlantic Ocean is the most important bilateral relationship to both the United States of America and the European Union, and is also an important factor to influence the evolution of the world situation. This relationship was gradually shaped from the US-UK alliance during the Second World War based on the military alliance between the US and Europe.
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9 |
ID:
087948
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Publication |
2009.
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Summary/Abstract |
THE WORLD'S economic crisis may have profound political effects in many countries over the next year or two, but it certainly won't cause President Obama to leave office early. The same cannot be said with any certainty about President Medvedev or Prime Minister Putin of Russia. Indeed, the system of dual-executive leadership that they operate is the subject of continuous debate and increasing anxiety on the part of Russian elite groups. Some observers fear that the tandem system is becoming unstable, is undermining the cohesion of the state and-in particular-may not be able to handle the deepening recession. They are apprehensive that the two men could, before too long, lose the public trust that they now enjoy, which is a crucial linchpin holding a fragile state and society together. This in turn could cause dangerous convulsions over who should lead the country.
These observers, from academe to think tanks to business circles, see the tandem system as unnatural, first because the executive branch has only rarely in Russian history been divided. On those occasions, as in 1917 after the fall of the monarchy and in the early 1990s when Gorbachev and Yeltsin competed, the division was short-lived. Second, the history of the present arrangement, launched in December 2007, has been bizarre. Toward the end of his presidency, Vladimir Putin rejected calls to change the constitution and run for office again. Instead, he anointed a protégé, the politically weak Dmitri Medvedev, to succeed him as president. Then he had Medvedev appoint him to what was, formally, the politically inferior position of prime minister.
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