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| 1 |
ID:
100815
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| 2 |
ID:
188752
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| Summary/Abstract |
Music has played an integral part in defining the sense of self for Punjabis at home as well as in the national and transnational diasporas. The images of the homeland have played a significant role in shaping the imagery of Punjabi music, therefore it is self-explanatory that Bollywood music has also incorporated a vast number of references to Punjabi localities when representing Punjab on screen. This paper investigates the representation of Punjab in Bollywood music through a textual analysis of a variety of Bollywood songs that discuss the imaginary and real landscapes of Punjab. I suggest that the image of Punjab has played an important role in post-liberalisation popular culture in India—however, the exact nature of this image has undergone significant change. Traditionally, the representation of Punjabi culture was tied to poetic and visual images of the landscape of Punjab and was used to evoke nostalgia and a bucolic idyll. However, recently, Punjabi culture has been dislocated from the land itself and represented as part of a global culture of aspiration and consumerism.
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| 3 |
ID:
084224
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| 4 |
ID:
103571
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| 5 |
ID:
097017
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article presents an experiment in which 49 Indonesian villages were randomly assigned to choose development projects through either representative-based meetings or direct election-based plebiscites. Plebiscites resulted in dramatically higher satisfaction among villagers, increased knowledge about the project, greater perceived benefits, and higher reported willingness to contribute. Changing the political mechanism had much smaller effects on the actual projects selected, with some evidence that plebiscites resulted in projects chosen by women being located in poorer areas. The results suggest that direct participation in political decision making can substantially increase satisfaction and legitimacy.
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| 6 |
ID:
106876
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
According to the existing studies on Myanmar's economic history, agricultural land in the Lower Myanmar delta was transferred from 'agriculturists' to 'non-agriculturists' under British colonial rule. However, a clear distinction could not be drawn between the agriculturists and non-agriculturists as was generally thought with respect to their economic activity. More importantly, the categories could be applied interchangeably. The purpose of this study is to reconsider the very concept of 'agriculturist' as a colonial category in British Burma by exploring the hitherto unused register of holdings (Register IA, U pain hmatpoun sayin).
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| 7 |
ID:
154235
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Why does South Sudan continue to experience endemic, low intensity conflicts punctuated by catastrophic civil wars? Reporters and analysts often mischaracterise conflicts in the young country of South Sudan as products of divisive ‘tribal’ or ‘ethnic’ rivalries and political competition over oil wealth. More nuanced analyses by regional experts have focused almost exclusively on infighting among elite politicians and military officers based in Juba and other major cities who use patronage networks to ethnicise conflicts. This paper argues instead that civilian militias known as the Nuer White Army have consistently rebelled against elites who they blame for mounting inequalities between urban areas and the rural communities regardless of their ethnicity. While unable to stop governments and NGOs from funnelling almost all their resources to the cities, these militias have consistently mobilised local resources for violent campaigns that redistribute wealth by pillaging urban areas.
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| 8 |
ID:
141738
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By exploring the sources of authority, the characteristics, the sociopolitical world, the roles and the relationships between village leaders, this paper shows that there have been only a few changes in local politics in western Madura, Indonesia, since the 1998 political reformation. In fact, despite the continual reformation processes, the circumstances of local politics in that area have remained relatively similar and have actually been characterized by continuity. There, local politics has been an arena of typical local leaders: the klebun (village heads), the kiai (religious leaders) and the blater (local strongmen). The struggle for influence within these village elites is centred not only on opportunities for private material benefits, but also on political competition, which is loosely organized, pragmatic and often mutually beneficial in nature. These village elites' continuous presence in the post-Suharto period is without doubt a reflection and a consequence of their constant influence over society.
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| 9 |
ID:
190673
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This article scrutinises to what extent land ownership improves the well-being of women, focusing on a village in Kerala, a South Indian state known for its land reforms ‘model’ that provided land to the tiller and ownership rights to tenants. However, have these radical land reforms actually succeeded in providing ownership rights to women, thereby contributing to their well-being? We ask in this intensive village study to what extent these admittedly radical land reforms provide adequate land rights to women in Kerala in terms of such ownership translating into absolute and effective rights.
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| 10 |
ID:
084532
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| 11 |
ID:
109109
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| 12 |
ID:
140937
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| Summary/Abstract |
The chief concern of this article is the organization and administration of rural policing in colonial Bengal during the last 40 years of the nineteenth century. It connects its design and implementation with the consolidation of India's colonial police force, while highlighting the ongoing negotiations made by the Bengal police in a wider colonial model. The article argues that the police administration of rural Bengal was shaped initially by the ordinary constraints of the colonial state which underpinned the design of the Indian police—namely its frugality and preference for collaborating with local intermediaries, a manifestation of salutary neglect. Yet, it highlights the role of Bengal's largely British police executive in renegotiating customs of governance and, ultimately, as an established model of policing in India. The article focuses, therefore, on ongoing and at times informal police reforms which were based upon notions contradictory to an official discourse about policing in India. This article thus contextualizes the development of rural police administration in Bengal in a strong tradition of police-led reform in the province. In so doing, the article redresses a traditional historiographical focus on the political origins and coercive function of the police, and problematizes current research which situates Indian policing within customs of British governance in the subcontinent.
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| 13 |
ID:
155377
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Much of the research exploring democratisation of rural society has focused on changes occurring in the formal political process of elections. In contrast, this article examines the extent of democratisation and the decline of caste in rural society by investigating morality and interactions in diverse political spaces of a village in south India. Our findings suggest that although caste hierarchy and the ideology of patronage have lost their legitimacy in regulating interactions in the course of formal political processes such as elections and institutions of local administration, they continue to command the moral allegiance of village society in the domain of everyday social and political interactions. The study concludes that although there are significant discontinuities in the use of caste power in rural India, caste dominance continues to persist.
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| 14 |
ID:
129526
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although B.R. Ambedkar, the chief architect of the Indian Constitution, is well known for his struggle against caste and the practice of untouchability, his ideas have seldom been linked to concepts such as nationalism or space. In an attempt to shed some light upon this under-explored subject, I analyse the relationship between the village, the city, the practice of untouchability and the emergence of nationalism in Ambedkar's thought. Focusing primarily on his writings, post 1935 concerning untouchability, I will argue that for Ambedkar, space played a critical role in both the perpetuation and evanescence of untouchability and similarly in the neglect and emergence of nationalism. More specifically, a small locus with tightly knit social and commercial associations, such as the Indian village, facilitated the ongoing differentiation of the population into two distinct groups, touchables and Untouchables. This social and spatial segregation perpetuated the practice of untouchability while preventing the growth of nationalism. However, a bigger and more crowded setting, such as the city, not only complicated the observance of social norms such as untouchability, but also benefited the creation of a corporate feeling of 'oneness' among individuals, which according to Ambedkar, was a condition for the emergence of nationalism.
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| 15 |
ID:
106765
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| 16 |
ID:
101017
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| Publication |
2010.
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Urban renewal is paradoxical. When it happens, someone inevitably will be made worse off despite the inherent implication that "renewal" must be beneficial. This article examines urban renewal in two Malay urban settlements, Kampung Bharu in Malaysia and Geylang Serai in Singapore, comparing and contrasting their development trajectories.
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