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| 1 |
ID:
105067
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| 2 |
ID:
142551
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| Summary/Abstract |
Different strategies have been used by the Rwandan government to promote capitalist accumulation. In some sectors, party and military owned enterprises are predominant. In others, the government has chosen to embrace market-led reforms. Ultimately, the vulnerability experienced by ruling elites contributes to the choice of how capital accumulation is promoted in different sectors. Ruling elites use party and military enterprises to centralise rents and establish control over the direction of economic policy. However, centralising rents is a political choice and excludes individuals from developing access to rents. The pyrethrum sector shows that the use of such groups has resulted in unequal outcomes despite increases in productivity. Reduced international prices have stunted further productivity. Conversely, the mining sector shows evidence of the pursuit of market-led reforms. These reforms have been accompanied by rapid growth in domestic production and exports. Foreign investment was necessary in order to bring capital and expertise to the sector. However, the government has struggled to retain the capacity to enforce legislation and discipline foreign investors in line with national priorities. Both sectors show evidence that ruling elites have been prompted by vulnerability to commit to economic development. Constraints that have accompanied strategies pursued in these sectors have forced the government to work ‘reactively’ to achieve strategic targets.
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| 3 |
ID:
167415
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay considers the political form that is presupposed in questions of resistance and revolution. It situates resistance and revolution in communicative capitalism, a setting characterised by intense winner-take-all inequality, the decline of symbolic efficiency, and the shift from the use to the circulation value of communicative utterances. It draws out the way that this setting inflects the body the question of resistance and revolution presupposes. Is it the world, the individual, the network, or the party? I argue that the party is the form we need to assume when we ask about revolution because it is the party that has the capacity to strategise, to plan and to arrange itself with an eye to revolution.
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| 4 |
ID:
114656
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using a panel data estimation technique, this article examines correlations in party performance in India for political parties that contested legislative assembly and federal parliamentary elections held within the following eighteen months during the period between 1980 and 2009. The results are analysed according to a range of variables, including type of party and voter turnout. The study's finding that, across party types, there is a strong and statistically significant correlation in party performance between the two elections provides empirical corroboration of prior studies that have suggested the existence of enduring linkages between politics at the state and federal levels. It also offers some validation for the popular media's and others' preoccupations with the outcome of legislative assembly elections as indicators of subsequent parliamentary polls.
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| 5 |
ID:
104587
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| 6 |
ID:
143615
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper provides an overview of the dimensional structure of bill cosponsorship networks in the Legislative Yuan from 1992 through 2012. This paper’s exploratory analysis presents two empirical findings. First, about one-fifth of the legislators’ bill cosponsorship activities can be explained by the Pan-blue vs. Pan-green cleavage. Second, the other dimensions are mainly responsible for the minor party members, who want to differentiate themselves from the two major parties, namely, the Kuomintang and the Democratic Progressive Party
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| 7 |
ID:
106335
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The authors argue that the effects of economic globalization on social democratic parties in Western Europe are conditional on the position of the median voter. If the median is far enough to the right, such parties will adopt business-friendly policies because they are required to win office. Only when the median is relatively far to the left will globalization constrain social democratic parties, forcing them to adopt policies further to the right in order to retain credibility. It is on this basis the authors argue that empirical studies are misspecified unless they include an interaction between measures of globalization and the position of the median. In addition to presenting formal theoretical arguments, the article reports empirical findings from fifteen countries in the period from 1973 to 2002 that support the conclusion that the effects of globalization are indeed contingent on the median. The authors find that the effects of globalization are significant for social democratic parties only in circumstances in which the median is relatively far to the left.
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| 8 |
ID:
084253
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Donald Horowitz's theory of ethnic conflict suggests that a political party operating in a deeply divided society can be effected by a centrifugal pull even when it is not subject to formal electoral competition. This idea can be applied to Northern Ireland's SDLP in the 1970s, when the party faced no credible electoral rival within its primary political constituency. Doing so helps to explain why the SDLP failed in its original objective of mobilizing a cross-community constituency, and instead became what Horowitz terms an "ethnically based party," representing the interests of only one side of the political divide in Northern Ireland.
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| 9 |
ID:
117074
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The postwar electoral dominance of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was founded on (1) strong incumbency advantage, which insulated its legislators from declining party popularity, and (2) the malapportionment of districts, which overvalued the electoral clout of the party's rural base. The LDP's demise in 2009 was due to the reversal of both factors, each of which was related to electoral reforms in the 1990s. First, I demonstrate that elections are becoming more "nationalized," due to the growing weight that voters attach to the attractiveness of party leaders. Past performance has become a poorer predictor of incumbent reelection, giving way to large partisan swings that are increasingly correlated across districts. Second, malapportionment was reduced by almost half in 1994, meaning that rural votes are now worth fewer seats. As a result, parties that can attract swing voters nationally are better positioned for victory than those with a narrow regional base.
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| 10 |
ID:
149185
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article integrates various aspects of the office-seeking approach, the policy-seeking approach and the institutional rule approach to theories about establishing coalitions to create a new model that takes into account the mutual influence between the formation and stability of the coalition, party policies and the difference between the status of the party that formed the coalition and that of its coalition partners. It also introduces a new index based on mechanical physics to measure the degree of fragmentation in the coalition. Using data from the 20 terms of the Israeli Knesset, particularly the Twentieth Knesset, as our case study, the article demonstrates that large ideological distances between the political parties can be an advantage for the coalition’s formateur. The results confirm the validity of the proposed model, which awaits further validation in other parliaments worldwide.
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| 11 |
ID:
108367
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| 12 |
ID:
084263
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| 13 |
ID:
120062
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| Publication |
Berlin, KAS, 2007.
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| Description |
399p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9783416031943
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057220 | 321.8/GRA 057220 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
099180
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| 15 |
ID:
147248
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| Summary/Abstract |
Do parties learn from or emulate parties in other political systems? This research develops the argument that parties are more likely to employ the heuristic of learning from and emulating foreign successful (incumbent) parties. Spatial-econometric analyses of parties’ election policies from several established democracies robustly confirm that political parties respond to left-right policy positions of foreign political parties that have recently governed. By showing that parties respond to these foreign incumbent parties, this work has significant implications for our understanding of party competition. Furthermore, we contribute to the literature on public policy diffusion, as we suggest that political parties are important vehicles through which public policies diffuse.
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| 16 |
ID:
123662
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Drawing on recent research, the author shows how a majority of officers still believe that the active duty military should not criticize civilian leaders publicly. However, fewer today think this way than those surveyed in the late-1990s. This is a surprising finding given the poisoned state of civil-military relations towards the end of the Clinton Administration, but perhaps is indicative of the Army's frustrated experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan over the past decade.
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| 17 |
ID:
102160
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| 18 |
ID:
140598
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE 70TH ANNIVERSARY of the Victory over Nazism in the Great Patriotic War and World War II, which we celebrated this year, is the most important event for the entire international community. The titanic efforts of the Red Army and the Soviet people and the military victories of the allied forces saved the world from the Nazi plague and ensured firm guarantees of stable democratic development for the majority of modern states.
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| 19 |
ID:
174000
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| Summary/Abstract |
Populism studies finds itself in a crisis of originality. While some scholars have signalled over‐usage, others have argued that by contextualising populism, we are able to specify our own ‘populist moment’ and remedy the term’s slipperiness. This article opts for the latter tactic through a comparison of two aspects of contemporary populism with late nineteenth century precedents. In the late nineteenth century, the American People’s Party pioneered a mode of mass politics anchored in agrarian and industrial labour which launched the term ‘populism’ in Western discourse. Contemporary populists show rhetorical and political overlap with this template, but also come up against two new constraints: (1) a stagnant capitalism increasingly centred on ‘rentiership’; and (2) a disorganised civil society. These factors render today’s populism resistant to analogy but also conceptually more specific, sharpening the contours of our populist moment.
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| 20 |
ID:
189143
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| Summary/Abstract |
A YEAR ago, the 46th US president stirred up diametrically opposed emotions and expectations in the unprecedentedly polarized and divided US. Supporters and fellow Democrats viewed the new president as an incredibly experienced leader who would consolidate the nation and return it to leading positions in the community of nations aligned with the values of the "collective West." Biden's critics and opponents who sympathized with Donald Trump spoke of the new president as an anachronism who could not make a decision on his own and was controlled by party functionaries. Opinion in the rest of the world was similarly divided. Today, however, we can say that, as usual, the truth lies somewhere in the middle.
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