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| 1 |
ID:
151773
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| 2 |
ID:
101589
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The common approach to the study of foreign policies of Southern African Development Community (SADC) states is to locate them within the context of 'brother presidents' and 'sister liberation movements'. There is emphasis on liberation war camaraderie as a key variable. However, Angola-Zimbabwe (read as MPLA-ZANU-PF and MPLA-MDC) relations have no noticeable strong liberation war-time ties. The relations are traceable to the post-1980 period when the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) pursued a deliberate policy of integrating itself within the SADC region and this coincided with the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola's (MPLA) long-time desire to isolate its internal enemies of the National Front for the Liberation of Angola and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola. What is also noticeable is the opacity and ambiguities in Angola-Zimbabwe relations, which have provoked growth of speculation and suspicion. The only time Angola and Zimbabwe openly collaborated was in their intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo war in 1998 under the auspices of the SADC in general and the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security in particular. However, two recent developments-the state visit to Luanda by the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe and the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) Morgan Tsvangirai in October 2009, and the announcement by ZANU-PF of the China-Sonangol $8bn investment deal in November 2009-have provoked fresh interest in understanding Angola-Zimbabwe relations in the context of a regional initiative to resolve the Zimbabwe crisis. Although Angola is visible as a member of the SADC in the search for a solution to the Zimbabwe crisis, it has not openly expressed its foreign policy towards Zimbabwe. Unlike Botswana under Ian Khama and Zambia under the late Levy Mwanawasa, which openly criticised President Robert Mugabe and ZANU-PF over governance and its human rights record, Angola has remained quiet, making it hard to know its exact position vis-agrave-vis initiatives towards resolution of the Zimbabwe crisis. Interest in Angolan foreign policy is further motivated by the fact of its ascendancy as one of the regional powers; building on its rich mineral resources, it has the potential leverage to help in the resolution of the Zimbabwe crisis if it openly expressed its position. At the moment, it is not clear whether Angola has also adopted 'quiet diplomacy', just like South Africa under President Thabo Mbeki in its dealings with Zimbabwe.
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| 3 |
ID:
104639
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| 4 |
ID:
108142
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A growing scandal over phone-hacking, alleged bribery of senior police officers and the use of convicted private investigators to obtain private information illegally enveloped Rupert Murdoch's global media empire, News Corporation. Murdoch and his son James were questioned by MPs as pressure grew in Britain, and abroad, to curb the tycoon's dominant role. Malta voted to legalise divorce. A corruption inquiry called for action against South Africa's police chief, an ally of President Jacob Zuma. Nearly 1,400 protesters were arrested and a dozen injured, including opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim, as 20,000 people demanded electoral reform in Malaysia, while at least 18 people were killed during two days of public unrest in Malawi. A policeman was jailed for using a toilet reserved for Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe.
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| 5 |
ID:
101590
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Zimbabwe's turbulent electoral history is seldom recounted by a political insider. The author, a former Minister in a Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government, and a Senatorial candidate for Simba Makoni in the contentious 2008 elections, charts the electoral volatility of Zimbabwe, probes the advent and subsequent split in the Movement for Democratic Change, and champions the alternative provided by Simba Makoni, also once a Minister under Mugabe, who deserted ZANU-PF.
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| 6 |
ID:
084258
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article recounts the events leading up to Independence Day in Zimbabwe in April 1980, the celebrations on the day and the hopes, fears and dreams around them.
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| 7 |
ID:
090208
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe has emerged as one of the most controversial political figures since 2000, eliciting both admiration and condemnation. What is termed 'Mugabeism' is a summation of a constellation of political controversies, political behaviour, political ideas, utterances, rhetoric and actions that have crystallised around Mugabe's political life. It is a contested phenomenon with the nationalist aligned scholars understanding it as a pan-African redemptive ideology opposed to all forms of imperialism and colonialism and dedicated to a radical redistributive project predicated on redress of colonial injustices. A neoliberal-inspired perspective sees Mugabeism as a form of racial chauvinism and authoritarianism marked by antipathy towards norms of liberal governance and disdain for human rights and democracy. This article seeks to analyse Mugabeism as populist phenomenon propelled through articulatory practices and empty signifiers. As such it can be read at many levels: as a form of left-nationalism; as Afro-radicalism and nativism; a patriarchal neo-traditional cultural nationalism and an antithesis of democracy and human rights. All these representations make sense within the context of colonial, nationalist, postcolonial and even pre-colonial history that Mugabe has deployed to sustain and support his political views.
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| 8 |
ID:
096485
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| 9 |
ID:
123258
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| 10 |
ID:
129246
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| 11 |
ID:
140689
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| Edition |
1st ed.
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| Publication |
London, Pluto Press Limited, 1981.
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| Description |
v, 186p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
0861043367
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 019596 | 968/CAL 019596 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
097141
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| 13 |
ID:
128805
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| 14 |
ID:
117513
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Zimbabwe today is characterised mainly by two things: polarisation and fear. Nobody trusts anybody. A few people, mostly politicians and the top brass in the armed forces, are fabulously wealthy while the majority are dirt poor.
There is endemic corruption in every sector. The Attorney General said recently the police were so badly paid nobody should be surprised if they helped themselves to a bit on the side.
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