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| 1 |
ID:
131842
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE LAST QUARTER of the 20th century was marked by growing globalization, which has impacted virtually all spheres of public activity. As it gained momentum, globalization has helped revitalize international collaboration, involving the world's leading economies and global international institutions.
From the early 1990s, vivid discussions unfolded in international political and scholarly circles about a new world order, the role and place of nation states and multinational TNCs in it, and the goals and methods of foreign policy amid the growing globalization. This process confronted many countries with the need to improve their competitiveness on the world market, striking an optimal balance between domestic and foreign policy.
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| 2 |
ID:
163771
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| Summary/Abstract |
While it is widely admitted that Afghanistan can contribute to connectivity in Eurasia, one may not also deny that Afghanistan’s regional role is dependent on regional conditions. This article takes Afghanistan’s security and geostrategic trends in Eurasia as the two major variables, defining conditions for Afghanistan’s regional role. They are reviewed and then synthesised as dependent and independent variables to form taxonomy of possible regional roles for Afghanistan.
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| 3 |
ID:
118607
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the center of gravity in global development shifts towards the Asia-Pacific region, the political significance of Central Asia as Eurasia's geopolitical core increases. China's rapidly evolving cooperation with this region becomes increasingly tight. But what interests lie behind this process? And how lasting can such cooperation be?
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| 4 |
ID:
127930
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Only five years ago, the world's supply of oil appeared to be peaking, and as conventional gas production declined in the United States, it seemed that the country would become dependent on costly natural gas imports. But in the years since, those predictions have proved spectacularly wrong. Global energy production has begun to shift away from traditional suppliers in Eurasia and the Middle East, as producers tap unconventional gas and oil resources around the world, from the waters of Australia, Brazil, Africa, and the Mediterranean to the oil sands of Alberta. The greatest revolution, however, has taken place in the United States, where producers have taken advantage of two newly viable technologies to unlock resources once deemed commercially infeasible: horizontal drilling, which allows wells to penetrate bands of shale deep underground, and hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, which uses the injection of high-pressure fluid to release gas and oil from rock formations.
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| 5 |
ID:
129530
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Skepticism is normal in any project development and it will naturally continue to accompany the Eurasian integration project. Regular monitoring of public opinion will help uncover sore points. To curb skepticism, systemic preventive measures are needed, such as an earnest and well-balanced dialogue with the public and business community.
Skepticism is increasing in the post-Soviet space about the Eurasian Union (EAU). Similar to doubts surrounding the European Union, the public, government officials, and business and expert communities are growing less enthusiastic about the success of the Eurasian project. As euphoria over the launch of the Customs Union and the Common Economic Space dies down, attitudes towards the Eurasian project are becoming progressively sober and public support for the emerging Eurasian Economic Union is shrinking.
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| 6 |
ID:
129532
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Moscow has made the largest progress in Eurasian integration with Armenia. It has had no integration plans (given numerous constraints) with regard to Azerbaijan or Georgia. Yet Russia's victory cannot be regarded complete or unequivocal. Eurasian integration is one of Russia's key foreign policy priorities at present, viewed as an instrument to bolster its influence in the international arena. As President Vladimir Putin said, "We propose a model of a powerful, supranational union, capable of becoming one of the poles of the modern world and playing an effective role in linking Europe to the thriving Asia-Pacific region."
Prospects for a major reconfiguration of the post-Soviet space emerged after the Customs Union agreement became effective in July 2010. It was followed by three-and-half-years efforts by Russia and its closest partners Belarus and Kazakhstan to institutionalize the Eurasian integration project, which opened the possibility of other former Soviet republics joining the core "union of three
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| 7 |
ID:
091842
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The geopolitical salience of Central Asia for India was never in doubt;either in the past or in the present. Two momentous developments of the last decade have brought this salience in an even more sharper and pointed manner than before.
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| 8 |
ID:
127477
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2013.
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WORLD GEOPOLITICS has entered another post-crisis period which will create a much greater interest in developing economies and regions. The biggest world powers not so long ago holding forth about the Anglo-American liberal economic model as allegedly better suited to navigate the stormy sea of globalization lost the battle. Today, Central Asia (an umbrella term for Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) which has not yet exhausted its natural riches came to the fore as one of the promising developing regions.
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| 9 |
ID:
096048
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| 10 |
ID:
155019
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The fight for hegemony in Central Asia is age old and the new Belt and Road Initiative has dramatically underscored the region’s strategic value to the West and opened up a bonanza for Chinese economic, political and security interests. Ramakrushna Pradhan analyses China’s emergence and interests in Central Asia and the implications for future developments in the region. He also explores the possibility of the Belt and Road Initiative becoming the new lever of the balance of power in Eurasia.
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| 11 |
ID:
158089
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The focus of this article is two-pronged. First, it highlights China’s ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) initiative as a Eurasia-centred project that, distinct from the twentieth-century Eurasianism, aims to introduce a new comprehensive integrationist agenda to the Eurasian strategic landscape. Second, it compares the US-led Euro-Atlanticism and the emerging Eurasianism, holding that while the former has historically stressed security over development (development is seen as contingent on the establishment of a hard security regime), the latter prioritises development over security (security is viewed as contingent on the establishment of an inclusive economic regime). Thus, this research argues that, if implemented successfully, OBOR could challenge Euro-Atlanticism as the long-held normative paradigm of interstate relations by offering a systemic alternative.
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| 12 |
ID:
120696
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the United States perceives the westward expansion of China's influence as threatening both regional and worldwide balances of power, it has responded with an understandable but ill-conceived counter-action-the 'Obama pivot' from the Middle East to the Western Pacific. The new American thinking aims to divide the intercontinental and transoceanic regions that China and other nations want to integrate, while encouraging an 'encircle China' coalition among smaller maritime powers from India and Singapore to Australia and Vietnam and on to the Philippines, Japan and South Korea. The blind spot in the American plan is that all of these countries need China more than they need the United States. None of them wants a military alliance with Washington that will antagonise Beijing because their economic futures pull them inexorably towards greater integration with the mainland's vast and growing markets. Obama's eastward focus attempts to stem the powerful current of Islamic countries that have strengthened ties with China while quarrelling with the United States. A growing number of former American allies, including some that were virtual American dependencies, are now hedging their bets with more independent foreign policies that actively court Chinese investment, trade, military cooperation and diplomatic support.
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| 13 |
ID:
163590
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| Summary/Abstract |
China and Russia share similar views of what a future Eurasian order should look like.
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| 14 |
ID:
186280
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| Publication |
New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt Ltd, 2022.
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| Description |
xxviii, 359p.hbk
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| Series |
Sapru House Soundings on Area Studies
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| Standard Number |
9789383445646
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 060197 | 338.951/KUM 060197 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
052429
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| Publication |
2004.
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| Description |
p109-121
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| Summary/Abstract |
An unexpected side-effect of the war in Iraq was to ease China's integration into the global mainstream. The US-led war triggered an anti-war 'entente active' of four major powers: France, Germany, Russia and China. For the first time in history, no major geopolitical conflict divides the powers of the Eurasian mainland. Three new strategic links have arisen - the Sino-Russian strategic partnership; the EU 'Common Strategy towards Russia'; and what the EU and China are explicitly describing as 'strategic' cooperation - built with transparency, little fanfare and no declared common enemy. These developments will undermine the unipolar world that the United States is attempting to construct. At the same time, and quite remarkably, China is being drawn into a continental orientation. After years of hesitation, China's grand strategy of 'peaceful rise' has potential to be fulfilled on the Eurasian continent.
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| 16 |
ID:
149584
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Alpha Editions, 2016.
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| Description |
xiv, 116p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9789385505959
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058922 | 327.151058/MUZ 058922 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
172624
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| Publication |
New York, Oxford University Press, 2020.
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| Description |
xviii, 313p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9780197539835
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059889 | 327.5105/MAR 059889 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 18 |
ID:
108909
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the mid-1990s, China's and Russia's strategic outlooks have gradually been converging. The two great powers have incrementally shed their mutual apprehensions and started a comprehensive and multifaceted cooperation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). Simultaneously, as the rift between the US and Russia has opened up and the differences in their views on regional security in Eurasia have become even more evident, China's and Russia's quests for new models for regional security in Central Asia have gained ground. Enveloping the Central Asian states on issues of collective and energy security, both states are sternly against US dominance in international affairs. In this sense, they have initiated a new geopolitical script around Central Asia. As their mutual interests hold sway over US influence regionally, questions remain on whether specific interests are compatible, or harbour new rivalries. Chinese-Russian interaction in Central Asia reveals that there might be limits to the future expansion of their partnership.
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| 19 |
ID:
061907
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| 20 |
ID:
118770
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