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ID:
091298
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
You, sir, refer quite frequently and properly to the alliance and to what our allies are doing … But if one is to read the press in this country, one would believe that we were the only people out there, we were the only people making any effort, we were the only people taking any sacrifices. In fact we are, of course, a small if not a vital part of a very much larger alliance, of which the United States are making by far the greater contribution and suffering the greatest losses … We have got obligations as allies which we cannot weasel out of … Our success [in Afghanistan] is the success of the West as a whole, not simply of this country. And our contribution there goes very much more deeply than simply establishing stable governance in Afghanistan: it is establishing the success, the self-confidence of the West under a very, very heavy general threat. So, would you not agree, sir, that … so long as the Americans are there we've got to be there as well?
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| 2 |
ID:
100175
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE GENERAL ELECTION in Britain was drawing a close media attention since it was out of the ordinary. Indeed, news was coming in thick and fast. At the same time, expectations that the leader of the Conservative Party, David Cameron, would enter Number 10 the next day the votes were counted, on Friday, May 7 proved wrong. Which of the events were expected and which were fortuitous? As always, the devil is in the details, which we are going to go into to dig up background information.
You will recall that Gordon Brown took over as leader of the Labour Party in late June 2007. The impression was, after Tony Blair's resignation, that, lacking the charisma of his predecessor, but winning a solid reputation during ten years in the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer, Gordon Brown would be able to help Labour to find their second wind.
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| 3 |
ID:
103110
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| 4 |
ID:
092646
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that the Labour Party has no new vision for British social democracy. New Labour in Government is intellectually tired and lacks ideological vision. Gordon Brown's leadership is managerial and lacking robust ideological content. These problems exist in a period of severe recession and whereby the Conservatives under David Cameron are in the ascendancy. The argument in this article asserts that revisionism is required in the Labour Party. An ideological revisionism which reconnects the Party with an overt vision of social democratic politics; which reconnects the Labour leadership with activists and supporters; and which inspires the next generation of Labour voters.
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| 5 |
ID:
092100
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
What ho readers! It is the oddest events that make one sit up and pay attention.For me it was Jim Naughtie musing, a few morning ago, that it was easier to believe the words of Colonel Gaddaffi than Gordon Brown.
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| 6 |
ID:
097161
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| 7 |
ID:
084486
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As is well known, New Labour is often presented as an alternative to the conventional preferences of the left and right in British politics. Less commented upon is Gordon Brown's self-conscious appeal to the thought of Adam Smith in doing so. Brown claims to have rescued Smith from those on the right that interpret his 'invisible hand' metaphor from The Wealth of Nations to represent dogmatic advocacy of free markets. Rather than interrogate this view, Brown attempts to complement it with the 'helping hand' that Smith supposedly proffers in The Theory of Moral Sentiments, in order to stress New Labour's resolution of 'enterprise and fairness.' I argue that Brown instead reiterates the academically discredited Adam Smith Problem, in which the moral 'Smith' is deemed subordinate to the economic 'Smith,' and that his use of these erroneous characterisations highlights his commitment to a set of preferences usually associated with the right.
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| 8 |
ID:
084357
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| 9 |
ID:
122472
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article studies the ideational underpinnings of the UK Coalition government's 'liberal conservative' foreign policy. It begins by suggesting that an Iraq-centric account of Blair's foreign policy suggests a grand vision on the prime minister's part that was lacking from his earlier foreign policy adventures, which relied on a more conventional form of British statecraft. The second section contends that the Gordon Brown years 2007-10 and, since the end of New Labour, Coalition foreign policy, can be seen as a response both to the substance and style of Blair's highly personalised stewardship of foreign policy post-9/11. The war on terror and the invasion of Iraq were accompanied by a seemingly open-ended democracy promotion around the globe which was quite out of character with past British practice. The article argues, therefore, that under Brown and Cameron cautious pragmatism has tended to win out over the proclamation of grand strategic ambition.
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