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| 1 |
ID:
005043
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London, Longman, 1994.
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| Description |
xvv, 584p.;figures amd tables
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| Standard Number |
0582073766
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 036066 | 320.944/FOR 036066 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
128220
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The literature on the Ottoman Empire's position in the European states system generally considers the Treaty of Paris as a landmark event for the European states' recognition of the Ottoman participation in the European concert and the advantages of European international law. This article argues that this consideration overestimates the impact of the Treaty of Paris and reveals that before 1856, the Ottoman Empire was a part of the European states system and was subject to European international law both in terms of treaty-making practices and in the utilization of European customary law. Moreover, the article argues that the Ottomans were interested in the concept of international law before the Treaty of Paris. The existence of archival documents on Ottoman dealings with the European states and the publication of two translations from the European international law treatises before the Treaty of Paris indicate that the Ottomans interest in international law was to ensure the survival of the empire.
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| 3 |
ID:
133515
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2014.
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The Spanish Guerrilla (1808-1812) which has given its name to ideologically motivated insurgencies is usually portrayed as a patriotic uprising against the French occupation forces of Napoleon. It was that, in part, but also many other things besides. This case study illustrates its overlap and convergence with banditry but also with social unrest turned into uprisings directed by poor Spaniards against their creditors, as in the storming of Ronda by insurgents in 1810. From the propaganda of the day to the subsequent Spanish patriotic historiography, there has been a tendency to exaggerate the amplitude of events and also the damage that was done to the French forces and the casualty figures inflicted on them.
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| 4 |
ID:
130252
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2014.
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Few world leaders in recent years have been subject to the level of derision faced by President François Hollande of France. Even before a Paris tabloid exposed his late-night dalliances with actress Julie Gayet-sending Hollande's then-companion and France's now former first lady Valérie Trierweiler to hospitalization for severe depression, and making the improbable Lothario the primary target of comedians on both sides of the Atlantic-Hollande was the most unpopular president in the history of France. Since then, things have gotten worse.
An inelegant man who never served as government minister, a leader lacking the physical presence and political stature of his predecessors, Hollande is an accidental president who came to power as the most palatable replacement for the man who was to be the Socialist Party's standard bearer in 2012: the brilliant former finance minister and IMF president Dominique Strauss-Kahn. Strauss-Kahn abruptly quit politics after being arrested, though the charges were later dismissed, in connection with the rape of a chambermaid at the Sofitel hotel in New York in May 2011. Hollande, in fact, campaigned as an Everyman, a candidate with middle-class tastes (he prided himself on not even owning a car) who would be a "normal president"-the antithesis of incumbent Nicolas Sarkozy, whose term as president was partly overshadowed by the drama of his own personal life and numerous friendships with the ultra-wealthy.
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| 5 |
ID:
133513
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Secret French plans to launch guerrilla-style raids on the British Isles devised in the spring of 1796 were referred to as 'chouanneries'. The name and concept behind these small-war operations were modelled on the irregular tactics used by the Chouan rebels in the Vendée, which the French state army had brutally quashed, but some wished to transfer into their institutional practice. Part of France's ongoing military strategy in the war against Britain, which included fomenting insurrection in Ireland, these irregular operations were to be manned partially by pardoned deserters and released convicts and prisoners of war. Of these, only Tate's brief invasion of Wales in 1797 was realised, but the surviving plans provide insightful historical lessons into an Anglophobic mindset shared by a small network of practitioners and policy deciders on the effectiveness of such shock and awe tactics. Largely motivated by the desire to take revenge for Britain's support of counter-revolutionaries in the Vendée, these plans could more aptly be referred to as counter-'chouanneries'.
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| 6 |
ID:
039183
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| Publication |
London, Macdonald and Co.(Publishers) Ltd, 1971.
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| Description |
160p.Pbk
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| Series |
Punelts History of the Second World War Campaign Book
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 007895 | 940.542144/ESS 007895 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
129054
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
At a time when Chinese intellectuals and academics are more and more interested in the way Westerners, especially sinologists, approach and study Chinese culture, it seems relevant to pause and reflect on the critical and diversified approaches contributed by European sinologies. Special attention should be paid more particularly to the French tradition, which was the very first to be set up in the early nineteenth century within various prestigious academic institutions that are still very much alive today, but which has been somewhat pushed to the background by the powerful thrust of American, and more generally Anglophone, sinology ever since the aftermath of the Second World War. This article proposes to look at the way the French invention of sinology in the nineteenth century was under the influence of the concomitant rise of philosophy as a specifically European academic discipline.
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| 8 |
ID:
124538
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2013.
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This article argues that much of the historical analysis of terror and terrorism in history has been weak in understanding the limits on terrorist activity and how terrorist campaigns eventually end. Reviewing three recent studies that examine various aspects of terrorism and the language of terror, the article seeks to show that states often play a major role in the way terrorist movements develop and eventually end up either defeated or moving into mainstream political engagement. The article points to a number of examples to illuminate this including the Carbonara in nineteenth century Italy, the Paris Commune and the ending segregation in the U.S. South in the 1960s.
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