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| 1 |
ID:
126586
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using the 'achievement index', a country's relative size of gross domestic product divided by its relative size of population, I argue that the high-achieving position of the West, as a structural distortion, has been a principal source of instability in the modern international system. Rather than being just unsatisfied great powers, large high achievers and stagnant low achievers engage in hegemonic and counter-hegemonic warfare, respectively. Both hierarchy and balancing systems are structurally more stable if they are 'natural' and less stable if they are 'unnatural', with being natural defined as an achievement index of 1. The rise of the rest constitutes a long-term trend back to nature, beginning to flatten the heretofore skewed international structure, which lessens one source of modern system-level instability. With a much larger share of world population, China cannot rise to the same relative height as the West that rose with a much smaller share of the population. China's rise is thus unlikely to repeat the past experience of the rising West.
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| 2 |
ID:
130193
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2013, China's new party and state leadership specified its domestic and foreign policies in the context of Xi Jinping's vision of the ''Chinese Dream.'' A new reform package modifying China's growth and development model has been announced. In foreign policy, a debate has commenced regarding another side of the ''Chinese Dream'': China's rise as a ''Great Power.''
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| 3 |
ID:
084836
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| Publication |
London, University of Chicago, 1968.
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| Description |
v.2 (ix, 484p.)
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| Contents |
Vol. 2: China's policies in Asia and America's alternatives
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 001098 | 320.951/TSO 001098 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
128317
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the past few years, China and Africa, in light of the trend of the times, have launched the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation and established a new type of strategic partnership, thus making new achievements in their relations on the basis of their traditional friendship. Despite the profound and complex changes in China and Africa and the world at large, the nature of China-Africa relations has stayed unchanged. It is what remains unchanged that offers inexhaustible impetus for the growth of this relationship and gives unique advantages to cooperation between the two sides. At a new historical starting point, China-Africa relations are poised for fresh progress. It is essential for the two sides to keep abreast of the times, make innovative and pioneering efforts, and strive for greater achievements in their relations.
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| 5 |
ID:
161259
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| Summary/Abstract |
China has been much more involved in Africa's economy and trade than in its security. However, over the past decade or so, China has increased its participation in the United Nation's Peacekeeping Operations (UN PKOs), particularly in Africa. It has also taken steps to better protect its overseas nationals and, in 2017, established a naval base in Djibouti. This article focuses on the participation of China's People's Liberation Army in the United Nation's Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) since 2013. It aims to unpack the diplomatic process that led China to take part in this mission and to analyse the form of this participation. Mali was the second time (the first being in South Sudan in 2012) that China opted to deploy combat troops under the UN banner, underscoring a deepening involvement in PKOs and an increasing readiness to face risks. Finally, this article explores the implications of China's participation in the MINUSMA for its foreign and security posture as a whole. Often perceived as a realist rising power, by more actively participating in UN PKOs China is trying to demonstrate that it is a responsible and “integrationist” great power, ready to play the game according to the commonly approved international norms. Is this really the case?
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| 6 |
ID:
132868
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Great Wall is frequently held up as the most striking symbol of the potency of a persistent Chinese pacifist, non-expansionist, defence-minded strategic stance. But how accurate is this 'Great Wall' depiction of China's strategic culture? What is the impact of this depiction on China and the Asia-Pacific region? While the Great Wall is an apt symbol of a romanticized image of Chinese strategic culture, the reality behind the genesis of this impressive fortification and the accompanying pervasive belief in a monistic strategic tradition is that they are figments of the collective contemporary Chinese imagination. Nevertheless, these formidable myths exert real influence on two 'faces' of strategic culture. The first face refers to how leaders and society perceive the policies and actions of their own country. The second face, routinely neglected, refers to how leaders and society in one state perceive the policies and actions of an adversary or potential adversary state, which, like the first face, is constructed out of myth. The impact of these two faces on the Asia-Pacific region exacerbates the region's security dilemma, adversely impacting China's relations with other countries, notably Japan and the United States.
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| 7 |
ID:
134182
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2014.
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China-Taiwan Relations have become significantly less confrontational since 2008. One of the indicators demonstrating the improvement of their relations is the resumption of the contact between China's Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) and Taiwan's Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) in 2008 after 9 years of no formal interaction. The purpose of this paper is to explore China-Taiwan relations in the period from 1990 to 2008 by examining the interaction between the aforementioned two organizations which were founded in 1991. By analyzing the relevant official announcements and statements made by China and Taiwan in the period from 1990 to 2008, this paper finds that China became more hostile toward Taiwan and therefore its ARATS in turn was unwilling to negotiate with Taiwan's SEF when it perceived that the Taiwanese government was pushing for Taiwan's independence. By contrast, when it perceived that the Taiwanese government was more compromising on the issue of Taiwan's independence, it became relatively conciliatory and its ARATS in turn was more willing to interact with Taiwan's SEF.
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| 8 |
ID:
125377
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
When Steve Jobs passed away, experts debated as to why China did not produce its own Steve Jobs, Bill Gates, or Mark Zuckerberg? One contributor to Forbes explained that the emergence of such 'innovative' entrepreneurs "does not blend well with China's culture of Confucian conformity to existing norms. Throughout China's history, the established order saved little respect for inventors, entrepreneurs, and business pioneers." There is some truth in this, but the Confucian conformity added to the Communist bureaucracy and the supreme importance of the Party's diktats is today balanced by a tremendous will to 'innovate' in order to materialise the Chinese Dream. The Indian Dream has unfortunately not even been formulated as yet. It is a great pity because the ingredients (brains) are very much present.
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| 9 |
ID:
126585
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The ongoing worries complicating China's rise are exacerbated by China's perceived double-bind dilemma: China is attacked as a threat to regional stability when it is active in the regional arena and damned as an irresponsible stakeholder when it is not. As an emerging global power China is naturally seeking to secure its ever-increasing interests abroad. Therefore, China's double-bind will intensify as China's foreign policy evolves from 'biding its time and hiding its capacities' to that of an increasingly proactive regional actor. The author argues that, in light of this likely transition in Chinese foreign policy conduct, the time is more pressing than ever before to mitigate anxieties and maximise the chances of China's positive-sum integration within the region. The argument correlates with the proposal by Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd in 2008 that the region begin contemplating the realisation of an Asia Pacific community (APc) concept, as a framework to rehabilitate the region's multilateral architectural mélange and implicitly reform the ASEAN Way-driven modus operandi with a more muscular APc Way. Such an outcome may be realised through streamlining the region's institutional alphabet soup and reforming the lacklustre ASEAN Way.
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| 10 |
ID:
028123
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| Publication |
Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1976.
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| Description |
303p.
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| Standard Number |
0801409217
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 016209 | 327.510598/MOZ 016209 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
036498
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| Publication |
London, Oxford University Press, 1969.
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| Description |
82p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 012020 | 327.51/FIT 012020 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
129307
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article compares legislative drafts of People's Republic of China (PRC) concerning foreign-related civil relations enshrined in various articles of the Chinese law. As per the article 1, one or more parties in case of civil relations must be foreigners. The article 13 states that the law of habitual residence may be applied if natural person's original residence is unknown. It also refers to the law of Lexi fori which as per the article 37, resolves legal disputes of two affected parties.
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| 13 |
ID:
124888
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's limited transparency concerning its defence spending harms strategic trust, but foreign analysts often lose sight of important realities. Specific details remain unclear, but China's defence spending overall is no mystery - it supports PLA modernization and personnel development as well as its announced objectives of securing China's homeland and asserting control over contested territorial and maritime claims, with a focus on the Near Seas (the Yellow, East, and South China seas). This article offers greater context and perspective for Chinese and Western discussions of China's rise and concomitant military build-up through a nuanced and comprehensive assessment of its defence spending and military transparency.
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| 14 |
ID:
046271
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Roli Books, 2003.
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| Description |
233p.
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| Standard Number |
8174362649
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 046520 | 327.11/DIX 046520 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
124942
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
What role does China play in the recent rush for land acquisition in Africa? Conventional wisdom suggests a large role for the Chinese government and its firms. Our research suggests the opposite. Land acquisitions by Chinese companies have so far been quite limited, and focused on production for African consumption. We trace the evolution of strategy and incentives for Chinese agricultural engagement in Africa, and examine more closely several of the more well known cases, sorting out the myths and the realities.
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| 16 |
ID:
125496
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Has China replaced or is an the process of "replacing" strategic presence of India in South Asia, is the most pertinent question, which keeps the Indian strategic community busy. It is known fact that since ancient time South Asia, as a region, had been under the influence of India; but things change since beginning of the Cold War.
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| 17 |
ID:
128314
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the successful conclusion of the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) last year and the end of the annual sessions of the National People's Congress (NPC) and the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) earlier this year, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as General Secretary has, in light of new conditions and new tasks, focused on China's long-term and strategic agenda with a keen appreciation of the evolving global environment and trends of development at home. Bearing in mind both the domestic and international interests of the country and maintaining the continuity and consistency of its major diplomatic policies, it has promoted innovations in diplomatic theory and practice by keeping up with the trend of the times and pushing ahead with a pioneering spirit. With a good beginning made and an overall plan adopted, the Party Central Committee has put forth many important strategic ideas on China's external affairs as well as diplomatic policies and principles, and taken a number of major diplomatic initiatives which have not only created external conditions favorable for facilitating the work of the Party and the state across the board, but also enriched and developed the system of diplomatic theory with Chinese characteristics.
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| 18 |
ID:
128274
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
One of the most interesting phenomena in contemporary international relations is the growing role of local government entities in forging and intensifying cross-border interactions in the social, economic and cultural arenas. Lamentably, this aspect of international relations, which I conceptualize as local liberalism, has not received sufficient scholarly attention. This paper attempts to fill in the gap by describing and analyzing how local liberalism has played a role in China's relations with Southeast Asia. The paper argues that local governments in Yunnan and Guangxi have played an important and positive role in cementing the relations between China and Southeast Asia. The paper suggests that debunking the China 'black box' to examine the different units in China, including the sub-national governments, may provide more useful insights for our understanding of China-Southeast Asian relations.
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| 19 |
ID:
126587
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using Malaysia's China policy as a case study of a smaller state's response to a rising power, this article challenges the mainstream neorealist notion that the growing capability and geographical proximity of a rising power tend to induce fear among its weaker neighbours. By tracing the transformation of Malaysia's China policy, the article's findings indicate that power asymmetry and geographical proximity have no inherent logic of their own; rather, whether and to what extent the two variables will prompt smaller states to become fearful and/or attracted to a rising power is often a function of intervening factors at the domestic level, i.e. the imperative of ruling elite's domestic legitimation. In the case of Malaysia's China policy, it is the ruling Barisan Nasional elite's desire to capitalize on the big power's rise-for the ultimate goal of enhancing and justifying its political authority at home-that has driven the smaller state to adopt a hedging approach characterized by an inclination to prioritize immediate economic and diplomatic benefits over potential security concerns, while simultaneously attempting to keep its strategic options open for as long as the systemic conditions allow.
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| 20 |
ID:
119123
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| Publication |
New Delhi, IDSA, 2013.
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| Description |
80p.pbk
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| Series |
IDSA Monograph Series No. 17
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| Standard Number |
9789382169161
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057165 | 951/GUP 057165 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 057166 | 951/GUP 057166 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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