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| 1 |
ID:
147121
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| 2 |
ID:
105375
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In President Obama's words, the Democratic Party experienced a "shellacking" in the 2010 elections. In particular, the net loss of 63 House seats was the biggest midterm loss suffered by a party since 1938-the largest in the lifetimes of approximately 93% of the American population.
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| 3 |
ID:
131654
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| 4 |
ID:
120207
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 2012 election resulted in a major victory for President Obama and while his Democratic Party improved its Congressional strength, the House of Representatives remains under Republican control. The election revealed the depth of America's political and voter divisions with each party showing dramatically different areas of strength and weakness. Yet the election did not hinge on foreign policy leaving the Obama administration likely to continue most of its earlier policies toward East Asia as marked by the multilayered 'pivot' toward Asia. Relations with China and North Korea are likely to remain difficult to manage while US-ROK links should be far smoother. Of particular concern is the economic sluggishness and rising nationalism in Japan which could well cause bilateral problems with the US and regional problems with Japan's neighbors, including US ally, South Korea. And at home the bipolar divisions over how best to deal with America's economic revitalization could well impede US abilities to exert a convincing multi-dimensional role in the region.
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| 5 |
ID:
084921
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| 6 |
ID:
179481
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| Summary/Abstract |
In late March 2015, Saudi o5cials came to the Obama administration with a message: Saudi Arabia and a coalition of partners were on the verge ofintervening in neighboring Yemen, whose leader had recently been ousted by rebels. This wasn’t exactly a bolt from the blue. The Saudis had been 4agging their growing concerns about the insurgency on their southern border for months, arguing that the rebels were proxies for their archrival, Iran.
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| 7 |
ID:
092593
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| 8 |
ID:
113597
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| 9 |
ID:
108407
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| 10 |
ID:
102022
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
FOR THE LAST FEW DAYS following the "Rolling Stones" interview by Gen. McChrystal and President Obama's decision to replace him with Gen. Petraeus there has been a great deal of attention paid to the current situation in Afghanistan and what the change in command will portend for the strategy that Gen McChrystal had devised to achieve President Obama's goal of disrupting, dismantling and defeating the Al-Qaeda network and ensuring that Afghanistan did not again become a safe haven for terrorists intent on attacking the United States and its allies. By and large, the comments have welcomed the Petraeus appointment as the best option available but they also suggest whatever Gen. McChrystal's faults the military at least had unity of command while the U.S. civilian team was not working together smoothly, that little progress had been made in improving the quality of governance in Afghanistan and therefore that the United States is losing the war in Afghanistan. More and more these reports and commentaries suggest that the American will to continue in Afghanistan is wilting partly because public opinion is no longer willing to support it and partly because the leaders too believe that this has become an unwinnable war.
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| 11 |
ID:
093114
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| 12 |
ID:
121997
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| 13 |
ID:
104260
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| 14 |
ID:
103109
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| 15 |
ID:
091402
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Obama administration regards a post-START treaty as the first step in a continuing process of nuclear arms reductions. But this will prove the last 'easy' nuclear arms control agreement between Washington and Moscow.
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| 16 |
ID:
111980
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| 17 |
ID:
116295
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
President Obama came to office promising to make abolition of nuclear weapons a central policy goal. Conventional explanations for the arguably poor progress made here (explanations which focus on political and bureaucratic processes) fail to capture an important part of the story. This is that the president comes from a political tradition marked by exceptionalist assumptions. This tradition encompasses a distinctly American attempt to converge idealism and realism; it seeks change, but also constrains aspirations within conservative limits. His conception of exceptionalism is based on a presumption of American moral leadership integrated with a requirement for continued American strategic primacy. As a result, his view of abolition requires global acceptance of American conventional military superiority, reinforcing doubts about the vision's prospects.
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| 18 |
ID:
099316
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The relative weakness of the American labor movement has broader political consequences, particularly for the ambitions of the Obama presidency. Absent a strong countervailing political constituency like organized labor, well-organized and more powerful stakeholders like business and industry groups are able to exert undue influence in American democracy, thereby frustrating attempts at political reform. I argue that it is impossible to understand the current political situation confronting the Obama administration without an account of the underlying sources of labor weakness in the U.S. In such an account two factors loom especially large. One is the role of the state in structuring labor market institutions and the rules of the game for labor-business interactions. The second is the distinctively racialized character of the U.S. political economy, which has contributed to labor market segmentation, a unique political geography, and the racial division of the U.S. working class. In our current post-industrial, post-civil rights racial and economic order, whether and how the labor movement can overcome its historical racial fragmentation will determine its possibilities for renewal and ultimately its political strength in relation to the Obama presidency. If the labor movement remains an uneven and weak regional organization hobbled by racial fragmentation, the Obama Administration's efforts to advance its core policy agenda will lack the necessary political force to be effective.
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| 19 |
ID:
105354
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although the election of Barack Obama to the US presidency represents a landmark event in the history of that country, questions remain over its broader political significance. What is the likelihood of Obama's foreign and national security policies differing fundamentally from those of the Bush administrations? Does Obama's election signal a 'post-racial' phase in American national life? What are the factors that suggest opportunities to change and expand American identities as opposed to those that limit Obama's sphere of action? This article introduces the special issue and suggests that although Obama's room for manoeuvre is limited by legacies inherited from the Bush administration, Obama's own appointments to high office as well as other actions, despite the availability of alternative courses, indicate that he is not the transformational president he claimed to be. American identities, therefore, are deeply embedded and remain heavily imbued with racial, religious and imperial features.
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| 20 |
ID:
105362
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article consists of a critical discourse that examines the meteoric rise of Barack Obama within the context of international and domestic race relations. The article explores the impact of American racism on domestic and foreign affairs, in addition to providing contrasting viewpoints on the significance of Obama's election to the presidency. The article utilises the Obama phenomenon to assess US perceptions of the North-South divide, race, ethnicity, religion and anti-Americanism, in addition to unpacking the controversy surrounding Rev. Jeremiah Wright's characterisations of American power. The Obama campaign's post-9/11 context will be used to ascertain whether conservative efforts to associate Obama with Islam represent a conservative backlash that represents an ethnocentric re-articulation related to race, religion and the War on Terror, followed by an assessment of whether the Obama phenomenon is indicative of the perfectibility of US democracy, which would justify the exportation of American values. The article will engage in an interdisciplinary discourse grounded in political science, history and IR to provide the depth of knowledge and theoretical competency to frame the discussion in a historical and contemporary context that acknowledges Obama's relevance to domestic and international politics.
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