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| 1 |
ID:
172615
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| Summary/Abstract |
May 2019 marked 400 years of relations between Russia and China, two major powers belonging to different world civilizations. It was a long way from knowing or understanding absolutely nothing about each other, through conflicts, including armed clashes, to realizing that a peaceful dialogue based on mutual understanding and reciprocal concessions was the right choice. The first step in this direction was taken by Russia as it sent, in 1618-1619, Ivan Petlin's mission to China where it was welcomed at the diplomatic level.
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| 2 |
ID:
100520
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| 3 |
ID:
175570
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using a localized perspective, this paper explores the gap between the eligibility criteria for a Beijing hukou (household registration) and the reality of successfully acquiring one. By comparing those who are eligible to apply with those who actually succeed in gaining a hukou, it reveals that hukou practices are operated locally to serve the city's development needs. It also reveals huge gaps between migrants, eligible applicants and hukou winners. Most migrants in Beijing are not eligible to apply for a local hukou. However, among those limited applicants who can apply, those with a postgraduate education and who serve the capital's political functions are more likely than others to win a hukou, an advantage not pointed out in government documents. These “hidden” rules are most likely set intentionally by the city so that it can maintain absolute control over hukou transfers; however, at the same time, they frustrate migrants who meet the stated requirements but who are in reality still unlikely to ever acquire a Beijing hukou. These findings open up a novel perspective for exploring the people–city nexus in China during the migration process and highlight the gaps between policy and reality for those who can apply for a Beijing hukou and those who actually win one.
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| 4 |
ID:
099673
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article attempts to address the problem of administrative monopoly through a case study of the taxi monopoly in Beijing. The case reflects the conflict between building a market economy and working within the constraints of the old institutions, revealing that the biggest obstacle in contemporary China for building a market economy comes from administrative power or government interference with market operation. Only when administrative monopoly is eliminated will anti-monopoly actions against other monopolistic behaviour be justified and meaningful. A management model for resolving the Beijing taxi monopoly is proposed.
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| 5 |
ID:
101902
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the past two years, China's foreign policy has become markedly more belligerent toward both its neighbors and the United States. But Washington should not wish for a weaker Beijing. In fact, on problems from nuclear proliferation to climate change, what the United States needs is a more confident and constructive China as a partner.
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| 6 |
ID:
124248
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study looks at Chinese homeowners' participation in policymaking. Drawing on evidence from Guangzhou and Beijing, it shows that various organised homeowner activists have moved upstream in the policy process and have begun to push beyond policy implementation into the domain of agenda setting and "rule-making". These advocates display rights-conscious patterns of behaviour that are closer to that of interest or lobby groups than to the typical repertoire of Chinese contentious citizens. The study suggests that this kind of political participation is on the rise amongst Chinese homeowner activists. This result complements and extends other recent findings that suggest the Chinese policy process is gradually opening up. Such a trend could have significant implications and calls for more research in different domains of state-society relations.
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| 7 |
ID:
137365
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on an original survey conducted in the summer of 2012 in Beijing, we examine how China's America watchers—IR scholars who work on US-China relations—have viewed China's power status in the international system, US-China relations and some specific US policies in Asia. Our survey shows that almost half of the survey participants thought that America would remain the global hegemon in the next ten years. Meanwhile, a large majority was also optimistic that China is a rising great power, especially in the economic sense, in the world. More than half of the respondents saw Asian military issues, such as the South China Sea issue, as the most difficult problem between China and the US.
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| 8 |
ID:
112913
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is expected that the residential location choice and household energy consumption behavior might correlate with each other. Besides, due to the existence of self-selection effects, the observed inter-relationship between them might be the spurious result of the fact that some unobserved variables are causing both. These concerns motivate us to (1) consider residential location choice and household energy consumption behavior (for both in-home appliances and out-of-home cars) simultaneously and, (2) explicitly control self-selection effects so as to capture a relatively true effect of land-use policy on household energy consumption behavior. An integrated model termed as joint mixed Multinomial Logit-Multiple Discrete-Continuous Extreme Value model is presented here to identify the sensitivity of household energy consumption to land use policy by considering multiple self-selection effects. The model results indicate that land-use policy do play a great role in changing Beijing residents' energy consumption pattern, while the self-selection effects cannot be ignored when evaluating the effect of land-use policy. Based on the policy scenario design, it is found that increasing recreational facilities and bus lines in the neighborhood can greatly promote household's energy-saving behavior. Additionally, the importance of "soft policy" and package policy is also emphasized in the context of Beijing.
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| 9 |
ID:
163487
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| Summary/Abstract |
In China, as in many other modern and contemporary states, the past is often used to inform public opinions and legitimate the political regime. This article examines two examples of archaeological exhibitions in China: at the National Museum of China (中国国家博物馆) in Beijing and the Liaoning Provincial Museum (辽宁省博物馆) in Shenyang. It discusses the development and change over time in the content of these archaeological exhibitions, the way they were organized and presented to the public, and the explanations that accompanied the prehistoric artefacts. I argue that the way the past, and in particular the distant, prehistoric and proto-historic past, is presented in Chinese museums reveals a process of entrenchment of the standardized narrative of Chinese history, with a powerful sense of connection and continuity between the past, no matter how distant, and the present. I also argue that although the general outline of the historical trajectory of the ‘Chinese civilization’ is universally accepted, small variations in the way it is presented and the different emphases of the two exhibitions can inform us about various ways of constructing local and national identities in China during the 20th century and up to the current time.
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| 10 |
ID:
113902
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| 11 |
ID:
089422
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article, focusing on the "revive the northeast" programme, examines four questions: why was the northeast region selected as yet another macro-site for Beijing-endorsed scheme of regional development; how does it differ from the "develop the west" scheme; what does the "revive the northeast" scheme entail in concrete policy terms; and how can we assess the impact of this scheme on the region's economic development? While it offers a relatively positive assessment of the programme's impact in facilitating a faster growth during 2004-06, future challenges are also noted for a sustainable development of the northeast region as a whole.
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| 12 |
ID:
158867
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| Summary/Abstract |
Sooner or later this economy will slow,” the New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman declared of China [1] in 1998. He continued: “That’s when China will need a government that is legitimate. . . . When China’s 900 million villagers get phones, and start calling each other, this will inevitably become a more open country.” At the time, just a few years after the fall of the Soviet Union, Friedman’s certainty was broadly shared. China’s economic ascent under authoritarian rule could not last; eventually, and inescapably, further economic development would bring about democratization.
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| 13 |
ID:
091037
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Every revolution inChinese history has started with the peasants. And no one is more aware of this than the ruling Communist Party-Mao Zedong's own assault on the citadels of power started with the mobilization of an agricultural army.
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| 14 |
ID:
085852
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Seventeenth National Congress of the Chinese Party (CCP), held on 15-21 October 2007 in Beijing , Produced some interesting changes to the balance of power among different factional groups in Chinese politics.
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| 15 |
ID:
110994
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
President Ma Ying-jeou faces a difficult task balancing Beijing's expectations for political negotiations with the Taiwanese electorate's vote for the status quo.
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| 16 |
ID:
090972
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 2008 Beijing Olympics and the emergence of China in recent years have attracted a rising interest and new research on various aspects of this country including, for example, architecture, urban planning and the history of cities.
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| 17 |
ID:
148532
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| Summary/Abstract |
Beijing and Moscow pursue similar goals and policies toward the Democratic People`s Republic of Korea. They want to end North Korea`s nuclear weapons and ballistic missile tests, since these activities spur further proliferation, complicate China`s and Russia`s outreach toward the Republic of Korea, and strengthen the U.S. military presence in Northeast Asia. Yet, Beijing and Moscow oppose military responses or strong sanctions since both parties fear that coercive measures could precipitate regime change in Pyongyang, which alarms them more than a nuclear-armed North Korea. Hence, Beijing and Moscow seek to wean Pyongyang off of its nuclear addiction through foreign assistance and security assurances that promote an international climate favorable toward internal reforms and improvements in North Korea`s external behavior. They argue that dialogue and negotiations leading to the denuclearizing of the Peninsula would best promote the interests of all parties in terms of regional peace and stability. Nonetheless, there are important differences between China`s and Russia`s policies. For example, Beijing has more economic tools to apply against the DPRK, while Moscow seems more open to Korean reunification, under certain conditions, as an enduring solution to the Pyongyang problem.
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| 18 |
ID:
099024
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| Publication |
New York, Basic Books, 2010.
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| Description |
xv, 296p.
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| Standard Number |
9780465013616, hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 055263 | 327.51/HAL 055263 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 19 |
ID:
115847
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| 20 |
ID:
092899
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
On August 9(Saturday) at 12:00, the 2008 Beijing International Media Center (BIMC) held a press conference in Hall 1 of the Press Release Office on the circumstances of all organization work for the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympic Games.
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