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| 1 |
ID:
090910
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This piece argues that free migration was a central if implicit part of the liberal social contract and that America's founders were both aware of this and exploited it to legitimate their new state. The piece begins by describing this uniquely American contribution to liberal political thought. It then juxtaposes this contribution against the nature of our own international order, to show just how foreign the American Century has become. The piece closes with a short depiction of what an American Century would look like today-were it true to this early ideal-and comments on its feasibility.
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| 2 |
ID:
177667
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Actors partially relinquish sovereignty in return for physical protection by a more powerful actor, generating a hierarchical relationship of a dominant, which supplies a political order, and subordinate(s), seeking the benefits that the political order can offer. This is the outcome of rationally assessing the respective situation, ultimately forgoing the presupposed paradigm that all actors are acknowledged as equal units in IR. The product of applying this hierarchical rubric to the Korean Peninsula offers a fundamental alternative for understanding how and why the current Korean Peninsula Nuclear Crisis unfolded in the manner that it did, while building upon relevant literature constituting the crux of hierarchy in international relations. What is presented are two political orders running parallel to one another: (1) the USA and the ROK and (2) China and the DPRK. Historically, both orders took fundamentally different tracks, as the USA and the ROK maintained a tight, valued and active social contract, while China and the DPRK periodically drifted into loose, devalued and inactive phases. Additionally, a paradigm has emerged following China’s inclusive behavior post-1978, the USA’s unipolar moment, and Washington’s aggressive signaling and actions, forcing the DPRK to reconsider its dominant’s reliability as a credible security guarantor. Having witnessed these seismic shifts, the DPRK has intensified its development of ‘the ultimate security guarantor’, leading to the contemporary crisis we are facing today.
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| 3 |
ID:
122224
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2013.
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The phenomenon of the Boko Haram insurgency in Northern Nigeria has generated many security concerns. This article explores the implications of the Boko Haram insurgency in Northern Nigeria for internal security. The article, which relies on a study of secondary sources of data, reveals that the insurgency has spawned varied implications such as an international image crisis, huge economic losses, a health and humanitarian crisis, a huge burden on the security apparatuses, arms proliferation, and endangered national unity. It holds that the insurgency is essentially interlinked with a breakdown of the social contract manifested in opportunistic behavior, economic stagnation, and lack of functioning institutional mechanisms for policy conduct and conflict resolution. Owing to the security menace posed by the insurgency, the article recommends that the root causes of the insurgency should be tackled rather than relying on reactive measures that cannot guarantee enduring peace and internal security.
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| 4 |
ID:
085002
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2008.
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A well-known part of Hobbes's political theory is his discussion of the inalienability of the right of self-defense. In this article, I present and defend a reinterpretation of Hobbes's account of self-defense. I begin by showing the weaknesses of the standard interpretation of this account: It rests on an implausible thesis about the evil of death; it renders Hobbes's applications of the right of self-defense inexplicable; and it conflicts with Hobbes's claim that there are cases in which the right of self-defense can be given up. I argue that we should understand Hobbes's claim to be that the right of self-defense is inalienable only in the social contract, and I offer a new interpretation of how his argument on this point might go.
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| 5 |
ID:
085337
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A well-known part of Hobbes's political theory is his discussion of the inalienability of the right of self-defense. In this article, I present and defend a reinterpretation of Hobbes's account of self-defense. I begin by showing the weaknesses of the standard interpretation of this account: It rests on an implausible thesis about the evil of death; it renders Hobbes's applications of the right of self-defense inexplicable; and it conflicts with Hobbes's claim that there are cases in which the right of self-defense can be given up. I argue that we should understand Hobbes's claim to be that the right of self-defense is inalienable only in the social contract, and I offer a new interpretation of how his argument on this point might go.
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| 6 |
ID:
119850
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| 7 |
ID:
107089
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2011.
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This article attempts to explore the introduction and progress of the idea and concept of free speech in Malaysia. It demonstrates that the idea of freedom and liberty has existed since the feudal period of the Malay Sultanate. However, the idea was very limited owing to constraints imposed by the feudal kings. The people saw the kings as divine figures. When the British colonised the Malay states, they introduced the modern Western concept of free speech. This was later embedded in the Malayan/Malaysian Constitution during the country's independence in 1957 as one of the essential fundamental liberties of the people. However, the British were also responsible for introducing several repressive laws, such as the Printing Presses and Publications Ordinance. The Malaysian government continued this policy after independence to the detriment of the practice of free speech in the country.
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| 8 |
ID:
179677
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Fuel subsidies in Nigeria are enormous – around USD 3.9 billion – almost double the health budget. Such subsidies come at great cost: the opportunity costs of such spending on other development objectives are large; the distribution of resources to the state governments is reduced; the vast majority of the subsidy goes to better off Nigerians; and cheaper petrol encourages greater pollution, congestion and climate change. Despite this, most Nigerians oppose the reduction of subsidies. We draw on a new nationally representative household survey that asked Nigerian men and women about their knowledge and attitudes towards subsidies. We construct and test a set of hypotheses about the factors associated with support for subsidy reform. We find that those who pay more or who experience less availability of fuel tend to support reform more. On the other hand, people who believe the Government is corrupt or lacks the capacity to implement compensation programs appear strongly opposed to reform. Finally, being religious and the delivery of reasonable national and local services also improves the acceptance of reform. These results support the idea that building a social contract is key to reform success.
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| 9 |
ID:
147528
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There is currently a lack of knowledge about how elites rule post-civil war societies without strong state institutions. This paper argues that elites oftentimes overcome such institutional deficiencies by engaging in governance through brokerage. According to this perspective, elites outsource central state functions to influential broker figures. This is particularly true when dealing with war-affected groups that possess much violent agency. By functioning as social membranes, brokers can help elites and war-affected groups to redefine a new social contract. Liberia is employed as an example to illustrate the paper’s central arguments.
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| 10 |
ID:
089703
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| Publication |
London, Allen Lane, 2009.
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| Description |
xxviii, 467p.
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| Standard Number |
9781846141478
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054334 | 320.011/SEN 054334 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
128825
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New Delhi, Penguin Books India Pvt.Ltd., 2010.
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| Description |
xxvii, 468p.Pbk
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| Standard Number |
9780141037851
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057639 | 320.011/SEN 057639 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
132313
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Like many ethnic groups in sub-Saharan Africa, the Dagaaba of northwest (now Upper West region) Ghana have regarded, and for the most part, continue to regard the payment of the brideprice as the cornerstone upon which marriage is built - without it a marriage contract is not considered legal. Since the 1980s, however, the significance or essence of the payment has been contested and challenged by many Dagaaba. While some (young men) argue for a reform of the payment, others (young women) argue that the practice should be abolished altogether. Yet a third group (mostly elders) believes that brideprice payment is a "tradition" passed down over generations that should be maintained. This article examines the origins and historical significance of brideprice payments, and how views about these payments have changed over time among the Dagaaba - from those born near the close of the last century, to those of marriageable age now. The goal of this examination is to contribute to the ongoing discussion among African scholars and governments on the importance of maintaining certain aspects of their cultural heritage.
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| 13 |
ID:
099751
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Following the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) on 18 May 2009, Sri Lanka has recently entered a new era of negative peace. For the huge number of displaced persons, predominately of Tamil origin, who are currently trapped in camps in the North, the beneficial effects of peace remain unseen. This paper explores the links between resolving internal displacement and the transition to a positive peace. Under the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement, both the government and the LTTE failed to integrate return with recovery, undermining the wider peacebuilding process and contributing to further violence. In the context of military victory, the paper argues for an integrated approach to return and recovery, which will foster a new social contract between the government and internally displaced persons, utilising the return process in the transition to positive peace
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| 14 |
ID:
190786
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The military covenant is a set of morally binding expectations marking the exchange between military, society, and the state. Its base is the military’s duality: like other large public institutions delivering services and its uniqueness in holding the monopoly over the use of legitimate organized state violence. The covenant is a form of relational (not transactional) contract based on trust between, and a long-term orientation of, partners; it both orders and displays these relations thereby offering both prescriptions for action and discursive means to legitimate them. The covenant can be used as an analytical (not normative) concept for theoretical development in three areas: social change and society-military ties, processual aspects of agreements between individuals and groups and the armed forces, and links between society-military ties and the social contract and social cohesion. We use the case of Estonia to illustrate the theoretical potential of the military covenant.
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| 15 |
ID:
144628
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| 16 |
ID:
188700
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This article discusses the societal multiplicity proposition as a welcome conceptual proposition for IR. First, it argues that against the background of the discipline’s trajectory and especially Adler’s call for a turn towards ‘the social’ in the 1990s, Rosenberg’s proposition offers a nudge towards scrutinising concepts for a more concise and systematic appreciation of societal multiplicity as a source of knowledge production in a globalised world. Second, this is illustrated with reference to the challenge of building global governance from below as the international liberal order stands contested and alliances are re-negotiated. Third, it demonstrates why during this period of global change it is key to diversify sources of meaning-making and the conceptual categories to reflect this diversification. And fourth, it turns to practices of contestation as drivers of inter-societal negotiations that target both established fundamental norms of global governance (e.g. the rule of law, human rights, and democracy) and more recently, negotiated fundamental norms (e.g. climate justice, gender justice, or intergenerational justice). The article concludes that a conceptual shift from the agency of states and their representatives as carriers of knowledge and mediators of normative change towards engaging societal agency represents a welcome contribution.
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| 17 |
ID:
096904
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| 18 |
ID:
092648
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Thirty years on, and in the context of our own crisis, it is perhaps useful to take stock of the last Winter of Discontent. The industrial strife that beset the Callaghan government in the winter of 1978/79 was seen at the time as a key factor in Labour's defeat in the general election of 1979; but its legacy is considerable and its significance enduring. These four themed essays come from a public seminar at the British Academy to mark the thirtieth anniversary of the Winter of Discontent. Colin Hay argues that the Winter of Discontent was, in key respects, a manufactured crisis lived, experienced and responded to through a very particular construction of the events that is difficult to reconcile with the evidence itself. Reponses by Lords Baker, Lea and Lipsey follow and the section concludes with a transcribed and edited version of the lively discussion which ensued.
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