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| 1 |
ID:
146274
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| Summary/Abstract |
ON FEBRUARY 15, 2016, Russia's BRICS presidency came to an end. Its results with regard to state and government agencies, business, the academic community, and civil institutions are yet to be analyzed. However, even now there is good reason to say that we have successfully accomplished the mission of helmsman at the Big Five ship, on the whole fulfilling, in the course of our work in conjunction with our partners, the directives and specific assignments that our countries' leaders formulated at the Ufa summit on July 8-9, 2015. Our focused, dedicated efforts translated into wide-ranging practical results, which were praised by our colleagues. Perhaps it would not be an exaggeration to say that the Russian presidency has become a landmark in BRICS development, improving the countries' collaboration within the framework of the association and enhancing its role in international affairs.
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| 2 |
ID:
085112
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Richard M. Skinner challenges notions that the strong presidency of the modern era has proved incompatible with powerful political parties. Instead, he argues that, since 1980, the United States has seen a dramatic growth in presidential partisanship across a range of areas.
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| 3 |
ID:
152256
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| Summary/Abstract |
During his second year in power, Indonesian President Joko Widodo faced contradictory yet interrelated trends: while he consolidated his grip over parliament and improved his approval ratings, the president’s remaining opponents shifted the focus of political contestation from the state’s institutions onto the streets. Additionally burdened by economic uncertainty and rising regional tensions over the South China Sea, Indonesian democracy thus continues to be vulnerable, its outward stability notwithstanding.
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| 4 |
ID:
134412
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses Mexico’s presidency of the G20 in 2012 as seen through the lens of new multilateralism, with a particular focus on civil society’s growing demand for participation in the shaping of the global agenda. On one hand, we examine the mechanisms for inclusion and participation provided by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for that specific purpose. On the other, we reflect on the real results of these mechanisms in practice during the Los Cabos Summit. Drawing on our empirical observations, we argue that G20 summits are still very much ‘protocol as usual’, with echoes of traditional multilateralism, thus leaving very little room for civil society to have a noticeable effect on the summit’s conclusions. On a more positive note, the very existence of such mechanisms suggests that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has at least given symbolic recognition to the importance of having spaces and dialogues available to civil society as part of the presidency’s agenda.
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| 5 |
ID:
119107
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Beginning with an election triumph for incumbent President Ma Ying-jeou, 2012 proved a difficult year for both Taiwan and Ma; his second term got off to a dismal start. The island's economy experienced stagflation, while a series of controversies created a governance crisis during which the president's approval rating hit historic lows.
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| 6 |
ID:
158820
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