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| 1 |
ID:
085257
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| 2 |
ID:
144481
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| Summary/Abstract |
ASEAN will form on December 31, 2015, the ASEAN Community, which will try to integrate 10 very heterogeneous countries into “one family”. On one hand, historical developments and security concerns led to a rather nationalistic position of the individual countries, and on the other, developments related to “non-traditional security” (NTS) issues are forcing a rethinking of hard-line positions in favour of a regional maritime approach. Whilst in many political and academic circles the term “regional resilience” is regularly used, the understanding ranges from the interpretation that this is a new Chinese wording for justifying the increase of the military and maritime power of the country, via the claim that the “new” security approaches are just emerging after the end of the Cold War, to the differentiating theory debate about different political approaches to international relations and the NTS issues. This article explores the historical development of NTS threats and then addresses some risks for the ASEAN Community 2015 as well as providing answers to the ASEAN 2015 three-pillar strategy of the ASEAN Political–Security Community (APSC), the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) and the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC). The article will explore a strategic approach rather than operational issues to address certain challenges within this strategy, and will discuss some maritime implications.
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| 3 |
ID:
148757
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| 4 |
ID:
087730
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Empirical evidence supports the poliheuristic (PH) theory of decision making, which states that leaders typically employ a two-stage non-compensatory decision-making process. In stage one leaders reject options that do not meet some minimum criteria of acceptability on one or more dimensions, and in stage two they choose among the remaining options using a more rational utility-maximizing rule. While PH theory has primarily been applied at the monadic level, to explain the process and content of states' decisions, we contend it has important implications for strategic interaction and can help to explain outcomes in world politics. Specifically, we argue that a crucial variable shaping crisis outcomes is the degree to which leaders' non compensatory decision criteria in stage one include options' acceptability to the opponent. When leaders empathize with their opponent and screen out those options the opponent considers unacceptable, crises will be resolved more quickly and with a lower likelihood of escalation. Empathy introduced during the second, utility-maximizing stage, may also dampen conflict but is less effective than stage one empathy. We illustrate this dyadic non compensatory model by examining two cases involving the U.S.-China and U.S.-Iraq bilateral relationships.
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| 5 |
ID:
088665
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In historical perspective, the Kosovo war stands as a significant turning point. Within the Balkan region, Operation Allied Force marked the end of the nationalist wars of the 1990s and the beginning of a new phase of partnership and integration with the EU and NATO. In terms of the wider European security order, its repercussions were contradictory. NATO reasserted its role as Europe's leading security institution, yet Operation Allied Force also gave significant momentum to the EU's development as a quasi military body. Further afield, an immediate crisis erupted in Russo-western relations followed by renewed cooperation on the ground; the longer-term impact, however, was a lingering resentment in Moscow at NATO action. At the global level, meanwhile, Operation Allied Force appeared to symbolize the primacy of both American-led western power and of the liberal norms and values that underpinned the intervention. But this was arguably a high point: future global security crises would be managed in the context of the rising power of the non-western world, a more fragmented West and greater contestation over the norms that should underpin international society.
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| 6 |
ID:
087705
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In February, when Libya's Muammar el-
Qaddafi was elected chairman of the African
Union (AU) and praised as "king of kings," it
was evident that former South African President
Thabo Mbeki's dream of an African Renaissance
was in trouble.
Indeed, with the exit from the scene of Nigerian
President Olusegun Obasanjo and of Mbeki
himself, the continent has taken a step backward
from establishing a new generation of leaders
committed to fostering development and democracy;
tackling conflict, corruption, and dictatorship;
and building a new Africa.
In the two countries that have long held the
most potential for pan-African leadership, internal
issues have prevented such leadership from
truly developing. In Nigeria, President Umaru
Yar'Adua has been largely incapacitated by ill
health. This has stopped Africa's most populous
country-the eighth most populous in the
world-from being the active force in the continent's
affairs that it once was (though its peacekeepers
continue to hold the line in the Darfur
region of Sudan).
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| 7 |
ID:
116574
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2012.
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The narrative that links the migrant rights movements with the formation of multiculturalism is now well known. There is still much to debate on the centrality of social justice in multicultural discourse and the dynamic versus static view of cultural representation. In this article, I aim to revisit some of the reflections by founding figures in Australian multiculturalism with the purpose of examining the cultural horizons that framed their motivation and aspiration. It is my contention that among many of these figures, there was not only a desire to see a more just society in which the welfare service, political rights and economic opportunities for migrants were developed in a more responsive manner, or what we may call activist multiculturalism, but there was also an implicit world view that was not only focused on securing more rights for minorities and gaining support of marginalised ethno-specific communities, but also committed to a wider sense of diversity. This article will explore the aesthetic dimensions that relate to the rather vague and often abstract sentiments that were expressed towards cultural diversity, but were also expressive of different multicultural perspectives.
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| 8 |
ID:
168959
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper contributes to our understanding of EU-Ukraine relations by examining intersemiotic communication – how words and images, or verbal and photographic semiotic layers and their interaction, combine in the representation of international affairs. The analysis focuses on Ukraine’s perspectives of Self, the EU and Russia as presented in Ukrainian media discourse, namely, in leading Ukrainian social and political newspapers (January-June, 2016). The article presents the results of applying the cognitive theory of perspectives to research the intersemiotic and mental image of Self and Other in four aspects: a vantage point, direction of scanning, perspectival distance, and perspectival mode. Based on that, I explain the main strategic narrative of the Ukrainian press about the EU, how it is sustained, and how the image of the EU becomes pronounced.
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