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| 1 |
ID:
093780
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article focuses on gender mainstreaming policies and advocacy on gender equality in the post-tsunami context in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam. Through the analysis, this article illustrates how gender mainstreaming policy documents and gender advocacy of the provincial and central government, when drawing from sex/gender division and binary of genders, reproduce heteronormative boundaries. By focusing on details, I argue that the image of the heteronormative nuclear family participates in normalising other identity categories; such as urban and middle-class. I also provide examples of how simultaneous to the production of dominant norms, gender advocacy challenges heteronormativity and norms governing heterosexuality and actively question the dominant gender norms. Drawing from postcolonial feminist and recent queer critiques, I argue that advocacy that solely focuses on gender and/or sexuality reduces human bodies and their desires to simplistic stick figures. Thus, it remains blind to other forms of violence, such as global economic and political frameworks that define 'building back better' primarily as recovery and rehabilitation of economy, assets and labour force.
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| 2 |
ID:
139156
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Although China’s underlying capabilities have developed at a fairly steady pace over the past 20 years and its ambitions have remained relatively stable, the shock of uncertainty and relative change since 2008 has driven an ongoing interaction between heightened international anxiety over China’s rise and greater assertiveness on China’s part. In academic circles, the question is raised whether China is a status quo power willing to be a stakeholder in the existing international system, or whether it has ambitions to be a revisionist power challenging the existing order. The resulting tension is especially acute in East Asia and in relations between China and the United States. Given the novel dynamics of the current era of global economic uncertainty, international normalcy should not be judged by the status quo of the post-Cold War era but rather by a ‘status ad quem’, a future situation of sustainable relationships in a post-hegemonic era. The prospective diplomacy of all states should be judged by the likelihood of their accommodation to a new era.
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| 3 |
ID:
085317
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Africa has a long and disturbing history with outside powers exploiting the continent for its natural and human resources in furtherance of their own economic and developmental objectives. In this essay, China's main objectives and the prospects and implications these have on Africa's development are examined. The authors argue that there are two very important perspectives-exploitation and opportunity-on China's role in Africa's development. The authors also argue that African countries must implement meaningful structural and policy changes that could enable them to leverage China's involvement to enhance their development. Whether Chinese interest and involvement brings the danger of renewed exploitation without accompanying sustainable development depends on the extent to which African countries are able to take advantage of the opportunities of this growing interest and transform themselves by circumventing the many economic, political, and social contradictions that are afflicting them.
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| 4 |
ID:
102864
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article reviews the sustained growth of Iran's naval forces in the past two decades. It closely examines the Islamic Republic's navy's war-waging capacity in the Persian Gulf, its new unconventional fighting philosophy, force imperatives, doctrinal underpinnings, combat objectives, and the implications that this might have on shipping and oil trade in the Persian Gulf. Experts have long speculated that Iran is developing its asymmetric capabilities aimed at paralysing the Persian Gulf and the eventual expansion of its sphere of influence. Interfering with the supply of oil would raise oil prices sharply and would certainly stall the still moderate global economic recovery, thereby plunging the world again into a global recession. Analysis shows that the modernisation of its naval forces might be the clearest indication that Iran may well be systematically developing the means to do so. This is brought home starkly by the beefing up of the Revolutionary Guards' Navy and its "swarming" capabilities. With a newfound assertiveness and aggressive tactics, the Iranian naval forces are now challenging the dominant force in the Persian Gulf - the US Navy. And even though the success of such an approach at this stage appears unlikely, they may still hold some key cards, to be able to pose a credible and effective threat.
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| 5 |
ID:
099042
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| Publication |
Washington, DC, World Bank, 2010.
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| Description |
xv, 164p.
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| Standard Number |
9780821382264
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 055291 | 337.1/WOR 055291 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
095415
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| 7 |
ID:
115840
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| 8 |
ID:
138366
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi’s selection of Japan as the first port of call (31 August – 3 September 2014) outside the immediate neighbourhood has opened new vistas of cooperation and greater engagement between the two regional economic powers. Going by the plethora of Agreements signed and negotiations undertaken by the leaders of the two countries towards the intensification of bilateral economic engagement, the visit has indeed generated momentum in the trajectory of Indo-Japan ties. In particular, the convergence of the economic policies initiated by Narendra Modi and his Japanese counterpart, Shinzo Abe, namely “Modinomics” and “Abenomics” respectively, has affirmed New Delhi’s broader and stronger partnership with Tokyo for economic development, especially in the infrastructure sector. Given this cooperative premise, in the backdrop of the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA), that is operational between India and Japan since 2011, the manner in which the newly-installed Government in New Delhi steers its vehicle of economic diplomacy towards ‘Destination Japan’ gains import and hold much promise for future.
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| 9 |
ID:
086952
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article takes the state of health in the world today as the starting point for a backward look at the trajectory that has led to our current position and speculation about prospects for improved global health in the future. Our model of social development and its dominant value system, which has promoted scientific progress but has also brought about great social, economic and health instability, is interrogated. This leads to questions such as what it means to be healthy and what the practice of medicine is about. Three potential scenarios for global health in the future are outlined. It is suggested that deep introspection about our current value system is required to achieve a paradigm shift that could reverse current trends and lead both to improvements in health globally and to less human insecurity. The authors conclude that while we have the material resources to achieve ambitious goals we may lack the moral and political will to do so. An expanded discourse on ethics and human rights-as well as on the limits of what is politically possible- may provide the impetus to drive change towards an improved global economic system and better health globally.
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| 10 |
ID:
118391
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| 11 |
ID:
131837
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
CANADA was among the few developed market countries whose banking and financial systems did not experience any significant disturbances in the face of global economic instability.1
Having started in November 2008, the economic downturn was shortlived.
Six months later, GDP growth resumed and in mid-2010 its volume exceeded the pre-crisis maximum.2
In the third quarter of 2012, Canada's GDP reached 1.765 trillion US dollars.
According to a number of international experts, Canada is the most stable of the 20 countries with the largest economic potential.
The conditions of doing business in Canada, and its investment attractiveness are estimated very highly. More than that, according to such an authoritative magazine as Forbes, Canada was recognized in 2011-2012 as the world's best place for business due to low levels of taxes and red tape.3
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| 12 |
ID:
101898
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2011.
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The American version of capitalism is no longer dominant around the world.In the next decade, developing countries are likely to continue to trade the flexibility and efficiency associated with the free-market model for domestic policies meant to ensure greater resilience in the face of competitive pressures and gobal economic trauma.
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