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| 1 |
ID:
133411
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Samuel P. Huntington died in December 2008, but this Harvard academic continues to have a significant impact on the conduct and state of American civil-military relations. Mackubin Owens's recent US Civil-Military Relations after 9/11: Renegotiating the Civil-Military Bargain and Suzanne Nielsen and Don M. Snider's 2009 edited work American Civil-Military Relations: The Soldier and the State in a New Era both challenge and contextualize Huntington's work for contemporary theorists and practitioners of civil-military relations. This is indeed a worthwhile effort, as America's civil-military relations have received much "airtime" over the past few years. General Stanley McChrystal's seeming challenge to the political leadership over proposed Afghanistan troop levels, Lieutenant Colonel Andrew Milburn's Joint Force Quarterly article challenging traditional conceptions of civilian control, and Bob Woodward's revelations in Obama's War regarding the 2009 tensions between the Pentagon and the administration over Afghanistan strategy highlight the relationship between the military and our civilian leaders while raising the issue of the military's participation in political discourse.
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| 2 |
ID:
151967
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During the Chinese Cultural Revolution, Mao’s famous political slogan ‘The times have changed, men and women are the same’ (时代不同了, 男女都一样) asserted that men and women were equal in political consciousness and physical strength. However, the slogan’s seeming emphasis on gender equality misconstrued the concepts of equality and sameness. In-depth interviews with former ‘sent-down’ youth illustrate how state rhetoric appropriated a discourse of women’s equality to silence women and depoliticize gender as a political category. For urban sent-down youth, gender inequality was absent from public discourse, and conflict between the sexes was concealed by a state discourse that constructed class struggle as paramount. Gender as a category was credited with solely political and pragmatic meaning and was utilized as a means for the communist government to achieve its own political and cultural utopia.
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| 3 |
ID:
173866
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This article examines the upsurge in denunciations of ‘tribalism’ in public debate during The Gambia's transition from the autocracy of Yahya Jammeh to the ‘New Gambia’ under President Adama Barrow. In these public debates, derogatory statements about particular ethnicities articulate fears of present or future alliances to monopolise political power. These fears are disproportionate to attempts of organised political mobilisation on ethnic grounds, which remain marginal. It is argued that accusatory politics are a salient, and neglected, feature of ethnic dynamics in contemporary Gambian – and African – politics. This politics of accusation involves the contestation and negotiation of moral legitimacy in the political sphere, in a manner challenging the separation of the moral and the political undergirding scholarly distinctions between ethnicity and tribalism.
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| 4 |
ID:
178885
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Since the 1990s, the Chinese party-state has attempted to teach its youth how to think and speak about the nation through a “patriotic education” campaign waged in schools, the media and on public sites. The reception of these messages by youth of different social backgrounds remains a disputed issue, however. Drawing on a multi-sited field study conducted among rural and urban Han Chinese youth attending different types of schools, this article explores the effects of the patriotic education campaign on youth conceptions of the nation by examining the rhetoric high-school students employ when asked to reflect upon their nation. The study reveals that a majority of youth statements conform to the language and contents of the patriotic education campaign; however, there are significant differences in the discursive stances of urban youth and rural youth and of those attending academic and non-academic, vocational schools. These findings call into question the party-state's current vision of China as a “unified” national collectivity. They highlight the existence of variances in the sense of collective belonging and national identity of Chinese youth, while underscoring the importance of social positioning and perceived life chances in producing these variances.
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| 5 |
ID:
140267
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the role of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria's (ISIS's) beheading videos in the United Kingdom and the United States. These videos are highly illustrative demonstrations of the importance of visual imagery and visual media in contemporary warfare. By functioning as evidence in a political discourse constituting ISIS as an imminent, exceptional threat to the West, the videos have played an important role in the re-framing of the conflict in Iraq and Syria from a humanitarian crisis requiring a humanitarian response to a national security issue requiring a military response and intensified counterterrorism efforts. However, this article seeks to problematize the role and status of ISIS's beheadings in American and British security discourses by highlighting the depoliticizing aspects of reducing a complicated conflict to a fragmented visual icon. The article concludes by emphasizing the need for further attention to how the visibility of war, and the constitution of boundaries between which acts of violence are rendered visible and which are not, shape the political terrain in which decisions about war and peace are produced and legitimized.
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| 6 |
ID:
161095
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This article deals with the Islamist movement and its ideology throughout the process of modernization and analyzes the political discourse of the Islamists about a world of consumption and the Islamic lifestyle. The article depicts the course of the Islamist political discourse from the beginning. The political discourse of the Islamists showed variations depending on the changing domestic and foreign conjunctions. Developed through a defensive understanding in the final period of the Ottoman State, the discourse of the Islamist movement underwent further changes in the following periods, which was influenced by the internal conditions of the country and developments outside. As the Islamist movement has always adapted to modern political life, political and intellectual changes in the modern period caused the Islamist discourse to change politically and acquire an appropriate language for the new situation.
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| 7 |
ID:
164644
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This article examines the role of racism in the development of genocide prevention and humanitarian intervention. It offers a brief history of the We Charge Genocide petition during the early 1950s. This petition demonstrated the potential for the emerging international law on genocide to challenge prevailing racial hierarchy. The movement triggered potent racialized anxieties amongst the United States and other colonial powers. Partly as a consequence of this movement, genocide was undermined as a potent international discourse. This article shows how decades later the renewed interest in genocide emerged without any sense of the connections between genocide discourse and protests against racial inequity. As a result, the antigenocide regime viewed genocide principally as a problem of state power rather than racial and colonial hierarchies. This ultimately fostered the development of a postracial regime of global governance in humanitarian institutions, which understand racial conflict as a site of political management rather than a factor in the formation of inequity and violence. The article describes how the suppression of these early struggles for racial justice depoliticized many of the sources of mass violence in the present and influenced the trajectory of practices of humanitarian intervention and genocide prevention.
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| 8 |
ID:
133891
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Present paper makes an assessment of Indo-Maldives relationship with special emphasis on China factor in last two years. It is argued that since the controversial ouster of Mohamed Nasheed in Febuary 2012 Maldives' relationship with India has deteriorated in comparison to the previous three decades of constructive engagement. While political instability in Maldives has been a result of the clash of historical and social forces with the new democratic experiment launched in 2008, its fallout for India has come in the form of making latter's negative invocation in domestic political discourse by the rival elites.
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| 9 |
ID:
133893
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Present paper makes an assessment of Indo-Maldives relationship with special emphasis on China factor in last two years. It is argued that since the controversial ouster of Mohamed Nasheed in Febuary 2012 Maldives' relationship with India has deteriorated in comparison to the previous three decades of constructive engagement. While political instability in Maldives has been a result of the clash of historical and social forces with the new democratic experiment launched in 2008, its fallout for India has come in the form of making latter's negative invocation in domestic political discourse by the rival elites.
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| 10 |
ID:
134332
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The term ‘integration’ is a category used both in political discourse and in sociological analysis. In political discourse, in the public debate, it has become a magic word which accompanies repression when a political power is unable to deal with major difficulties, particularly in poor neighbourhoods. The so-called ‘models of integration’ are all failing, whether in the United Kingdom after the terrorist attacks of 2005, in the Netherlands after the murder of Theo Van Gogh and Pim Fortuyn, or in France after the riots of 2005. In political and social life, integration is far from able to account for realities or to implement public policies successfully. From a sociological perspective, integration is connected with approaches which are centred on society or the social system, much more than with those that deal with the subjectivity of individuals and their capacity for personal or collective action. This means that integration belongs much more to traditional sociological thinking than to the new contemporary sociological imagination.
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| 11 |
ID:
132231
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article reports on a recent research project exploring academic perspectives on the threat posed by cyberterrorism. The project employed a survey method, which returned 118 responses from researchers working across 24 different countries. The article begins with a brief review of existing literature on this topic, distinguishing between those concerned by an imminent threat of cyberterrorism, and other, more skeptical, views. Following a discussion on method, the article's analysis section then details findings from three research questions: (1) Does cyberterrorism constitute a significant threat? If so, against whom or what?; (2) Has a cyberterrorism attack ever taken place?; and (3) What are the most effective countermeasures against cyberterrorism? Are there significant differences to more traditional forms of anti- or counterterrorism? The article concludes by reflecting on areas of continuity and discontinuity between academic debate on cyberterrorism and on terrorism more broadly.
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| 12 |
ID:
166091
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since it was first endorsed by President Hu Jintao in 2007, ecological civilisation (EC) has developed into a central element of the green rhetoric of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The political promotion of EC by the Chinese leadership has been supported by a theoretical argument, according to which EC could provide an alternative development theory capable of revolutionising the ecocidal global economic order and bring about a global ecological transition. Does EC present a new theory of development enabling Chinese scholars to contribute meaningfully to the global discussion on sustainable development? What does the circulation of EC between the political and academic spheres tell us about the ability of “social sciences with Chinese characteristics” to produce innovative concepts and theories of sustainability? This article analyses what ecological civilisation brings to the study of sustainability in China as well as globally, through an analysis of the relationship between knowledge and power that has underpinned its development. Based on a qualitative analysis of political documents and a comprehensive review of Chinese academic publications on EC, it unpacks the different layers of political and theoretical meanings that have been invested in the concept of EC over time by CCP ideologues and by scholars; and then analyses the influence that EC has had on China’s sustainability research. It argues that the political discourse of EC has increasingly limited the way in which scholars engage critically with capitalism, democracy, and other elements of green political theory. However, it also shows that many Chinese scholars, while subscribing to the EC discourse, have continued to press for the development of their disciplinary contribution to the global scientific discussion on sustainability.
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| 13 |
ID:
130904
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The theme is one for political science rather than cultural studies. To talk about supranationality and not to talk about identity is impossible, because these concepts are interrelated. Supranationality is a terms that has recently comes into vogue in the mainstream domestic socio-political discourse. This is due primarily to the perspective of the creation in the post Soviet space of a new integration construct the European Union.
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| 14 |
ID:
149195
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In the 2015 Israeli national elections, social media and especially Facebook were used as primary campaign platforms, where politicians of all parties and orientations expressed their agendas, made policy statements and communicated with potential voters. The present article employs a new methodology, discourse network analysis, to explore the relationships between party leaders and discourse themes, based on leaders’ pre-election statements on Facebook. The findings highlight prominent themes and the relationships formed between leaders and themes, and between leaders and each other. The network formed by party leaders’ shared agendas and themes resembles the parties’ positioning in the parliament after the election, strengthening the assumption that Facebook has been used strategically as a campaign tool by the leaders of parties running for parliament.
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| 15 |
ID:
131989
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyzes the ideological evolution of Turkish nationalism in politics from 1965 to 1980 providing an in-depth analysis of the ideological contours of the Cumhuriyetçi Köylü Millet Partisi (CKMP; Republican Peasant Nation Party) and its successor the Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi (MHP; Nationalist Movement Party). It shows that there were different channels for indoctrination promoting their own view of nationalism within the movement. It also aims to demonstrate that a tangible shift in the nationalist discourse of the party took place during this period, concomitant to the change of the agents of political nationalism. This transfer of ideological power was reflected in the party's gradually transforming political discourse, swinging from secular nationalism to the margins of religious-conservative nationalism.
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| 16 |
ID:
148582
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| Summary/Abstract |
The basic recommendations for India to carry out a Pro-active Approach in its policy is to increase investments, encourage regular talks between the leaders of India and the Central Asian Republics, pushing projects for trade, transport links, educational and cultural exchanges apart from trying to solve tensed relations between India and her neighbours who share borders with the Central Asian Republics.
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| 17 |
ID:
109166
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Portuguese national identity was consciously recreated during the 1860s, and a full programme of national identity socialisation was devised. At the core of this project was the proposal to celebrate the 1st of December as the 'Restoration of Independence Day'. The goal of the National Association 1st of December 1640, which was founded in 1861, was to combat cosmopolitanism, internationalism, and Iberianism, and highlight to the outside world, in general, and to the Portuguese 'traitors' in particular, the determination of the Portuguese people to retain their independence. To fulfil this purpose, it was felt necessary to awaken the soul of the Portuguese people by remembering the sufferings of the nation under the yoke of Spain, which lasted from 1580 and 1640, and the national jubilation that accompanied the restoration of freedom. This article argues that, contrary to what is stated in the vast majority of nationalist literature, the original celebration of the 1st of December should not be seen as a response to the Spanish threat of annexation, but rather as a mechanism to prevent attacks against the royal house and the regime it stood for both at home and abroad.
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| 18 |
ID:
114784
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2012.
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This article focuses on the rhetoric of Taiwan's president Ma Ying-jeou on cross-Strait relations during his first term. The authors argue that his rhetoric varied considerably and put forward a framework for measuring, analyzing and explaining this variation. Analyzing speeches, addresses, etc., they provide empirical assessments of how the content of Ma's public pronouncements has developed over time, how his rhetoric varies according to the strategic context and timing of a speech, and how his discourse compares to that of his predecessor, Chen Shui-bian. In addressing these questions, the article contributes a quantitative perspective to existing work on political discourse in Taiwan.
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| 19 |
ID:
137591
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), 2015.
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| Description |
20Pbk
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| Contents |
IDSA Occasional Paper No - 39
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| Standard Number |
9789382169512
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058185 | 320.5495/BAN 058185 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 058186 | 320.5495/BAN 058186 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 20 |
ID:
114560
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2012.
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This essay analyses the official and media response to the WTO cases related to cultural products, which China lost. It aims to contextualize both the official discourse and the press discourse in terms of domestic politics and China's trade priorities. It concludes that in the official discourse, China and the US are working at cross purposes, as they have fundamentally divergent concepts of trade in cultural products. The newspaper discourse is more moderate and emphasises developmental and commercial issues, but is also subject to the priorities of Chinese politics.
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