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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
177285
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| Summary/Abstract |
The turn of the twenty-first century brought with it the miraculous economic rise of China in Asia and beyond; American strategy towards the region, denoted by the ‘pivot to Asia’ and acceptance of a ‘Pacific Century’ for the US,1 became increasingly China-centric. Building partnerships, forging security and commercial pacts with Asian countries and enhancing maritime presence across the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) eventually became the fulcrum of America’s Asia strategy, with mainstream strategic perception in the United States on China becoming increasingly negative. American focus on alliances with countries like Japan, South Korea and Australia as well as partnerships with countries like India began to take centre stage in its foreign policy outlook, with a goal to limit or check China’s rise. Concurrently, strategic communities in China did not overlook this growing American presence and interest in Asia; nor did they fail to gauge that the rationale behind such American focus is to contain China. Rather, the Chinese began to view these ever-increasing American strategic partnerships in the region as a ‘mini-NATO’ in the making in Asia.2 More importantly, such a view emerged after China, along with Russia and the Central Asian nations, established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), a cohesive security organization in Eurasia, in 2001.
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| 2 |
ID:
085601
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| Summary/Abstract |
Is there a space race taking place between China and India? Discussions have started flowing after China's Shenzhou-VII successful space walk during September 2008 and India's launch of Chandrayaan-1 on 22nd October 2008.
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| 3 |
ID:
132929
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
India-China maritime dynamics are witnessing new developments and balance of power politics. Beijing's economic and maritime posture continues to emerge as a challenge for India. In fact, underlying China's Maritime Silk Road strategy is an orderly diplomatic, economic, and maritime quest for power that India must take note of. A core aim behind this strategy is to re-brand China as an economic, political and maritime power in IOR as well as in the neighbouring region. In official parlance, this enterprise is intended to integrate Beijing's existing levels of cooperation in the region, and to look beyond. As Hua Chunying, spokesperson of the Chinese Foreign Ministry, stated on 13 February 2014, "This is an initiative and idea of cooperation, which will help integrate all the on-going cooperation programmes, especially those in connectivity with the concept and spirit of the ancient Silk Road.". India and other countries need to take note and respond to this discourse.
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| 4 |
ID:
143983
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| Summary/Abstract |
Sovereignty’ and ‘history’ have a universal context in international politics. But in Beijing’s strategic foreign policy setting, the logic of ‘sovereignty’ and ‘history’ are employed or applied selectively. This is clear in the context of its reservation on India’s oil exploration in the South China Sea (SCS) and its own plans to implement the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) through Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK) which India opposes. The strategic implications of these matters are huge for India. India needs to read carefully the complexity behind both matters and need to discuss the matter prudently with China.
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| 5 |
ID:
176996
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| Summary/Abstract |
China’s contest with the global community has entered a delicate phase post the COVID-19 period. While the COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the non-responsible act of China in tackling the virus to prevent its spread outside the country, the recent aggression of the Chinese leadership on land and maritime domains in Asia has revealed the long-term international objectives of China’s ambitious foreign policy under Xi Jinping. As China attempts to rebuild its global image and profile post the pandemic and, most importantly, to reorder its global governance approach, Beijing may like to revitalise its focus on its Guanxi (relationship or networks) and Mingyun Gongtongti or ‘the Community with a Shared Future for Humankind’ (CHSF). In other words, China’s approach to Asia may take a new turn without Beijing shying away from its original intentions of dictating the Asian order.
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