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| 1 |
ID:
104086
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The April 2009 seizure of the U.S.-flagged Motor Vessel Maersk Alabama and its twenty American crew members off the coast of Somalia should signal a change in counterpiracy strategy, away from a focus on major warship deployments by distant state major maritime powers, and toward development of a regional maritime security force constructed around numerous smaller patrol craft. Outside powers should focus on further advancing new international law and policy frameworks, which have become the most significant force multipliers for developing maritime security and offer the most effective approach to counterpiracy in the Horn of Africa. Complementing this effort will require a long-term program of regional maritime-security capacity building to support implementation of the new law and policy approaches. Piracy flourishes at the seams of globalization because jurisdiction is unclear and pirates exploit the inherent isolation of individual vessels and nations. Regional powers in the Horn of Africa have underdeveloped law enforcement and judicial systems and suffer from a severe lack of resources. In this setting, global and regional legal and policy frameworks in the areas of operational maritime security, judicial institutions, and law enforcement will be more effective in addressing piracy than adding another warship from an outside naval power to the equation.
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| 2 |
ID:
177547
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper aims to analyse the growing enlargement of the spheres of competition from the Middle East into the Horn of Africa. It does so by using insights from regional order and realist neoclassical literature to understand the expansion of regional powers into this area as the result of strategic interactions within their own region. The central argument is that the clashing interests among Middle Eastern regional powers and power asymmetry with Horn of Africa countries are driving an increased security interdependence between the two Red Sea shores. This increasing security engagement by competing Middle Eastern states is producing an insecurity spillover which threatens to exacerbate regional instability in the Horn. It also presents a new role for Middle Eastern regional powers as security providers, particularly in the case of the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Israel and Turkey. To substantiate this argument, the paper analyses interregional security dynamics by focusing on three empirical cases in the 2015–2020 period: The Gulf Cooperation Council’s crisis, the establishment of a Turkish military bases in the Horn of Africa and Israel’s new diplomatic engagement in Eastern Africa.
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| 3 |
ID:
010552
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| Publication |
June 1996.
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| Description |
264-268
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| 4 |
ID:
027888
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| Publication |
London, Frank Cass and Company Ltd., 1980.
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| Description |
xx, 251p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
0714631647
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 019456 | 963.02/ABI 019456 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
174141
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| Summary/Abstract |
Most analyses of the fate of the Hijaz and the Muslim pilgrimage after the First World War have focused on the struggle between Hashemites and Saudis. But in actuality the Egyptians were heavily involved in this dispute, for the Hijaz had been for centuries part of a geopolitical system based on the Red Sea littoral states. Indeed, this was a tripartite struggle, which afforded much more room for maneuver than a simple bilateral one. This article covers the maneuvers of all three parties, demonstrating how they tried to gain possession of the hajj, and all that meant for world Islamic leadership.
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| 6 |
ID:
121070
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper aims to understand the historical prospective of India and West Asia relations in the 21st century. From ancient to modern times, these regions had been in cultural, commercial and diplomatic contacts with each other. British colonialism had changed the nature of the relationship between these two regions. To protect their commercial and strategic interest in India, Britain colonized the West Asian region (Persian Gulf and Red Sea Region) and they established an Informal Empire in Gulf. Further these colonial policies were controlled through the British India Residency System which legitimized the ruler as the sheikh of the land and the people. The End of the nineteenth century and the beginning of twenty century witnessed the emergence of a new phase of interaction between the people and the leadership of India and West Asia. This new phase of relation between two regions had greater impact on shaping the future world politics. With the Arab Spring of recent times, India has a new role to play in this region.
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| 7 |
ID:
114905
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| 8 |
ID:
114904
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| 9 |
ID:
101167
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using both Ottoman Turkish and Arabic archival materials, this article narrates the history of irrigation in Fayyum during the first half of the 18th century. Its environmental perspective shows how a shared reliance on natural resource management bound together extremely rural regions of the Ottoman Empire like Fayyum with centers of power in Istanbul and Cairo. It seeks to make two historiographical interventions. First, its focus on irrigation reveals how the center-periphery model of early modern empires fails to capture the complexity of relationships that rural regions of the Ottoman Empire maintained with other provinces and towns both in the empire and beyond. Water in Fayyum grew food that forged connections of commodity movement with areas of the Mediterranean and Red Seas. Second, through an examination of such intraimperial and transregional ties, this article argues that Egyptian peasants held much of the power in these relationships.
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| 10 |
ID:
139125
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| 11 |
ID:
171876
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This article examines some of the issues relating to maritime boundaries which have arisen among the Arab states of the Middle East and between those states and their non-Arab neighbours. Geographically, the bodies of water concerned are the Persian Gulf, the eastern Mediterranean and the Red Sea.
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| 12 |
ID:
063534
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| 13 |
ID:
152615
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the history of Gujarat-Red Sea relations in the first quarter of a century after the Ottoman conquest of the Hijaz, in the light of Arabic narrative sources that have hitherto been largely neglected. While earlier historians have made use of both Ottoman and Portuguese archives in this context, we return here to the chronicles of Mecca itself, which prove to be an unexpectedly interesting and rich source on the matter. Our main interest is in the figure of Jarullah ibn Fahd and his extensive annalistic work, Nayl al-munā. A good part of our analysis will focus on the events of the 1530s, and the dealings of Sultan Bahadur Shah Gujarati's delegation to the Ottomans, headed by ‘Abd al-‘Aziz Asaf Khan. But we shall also look at the longer history of contacts, and conclude with brief remarks on the relevance of the career of the celebrated Gujarati-Hijazi intellectual, Qutb al-Din Muhammad Nahrawali. We thus hope to add another important, concrete dimension to our understanding of India's location in the early modern Indian Ocean world, as a tribute to the career and contribution of David Washbrook, our friend and colleague.
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