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| 1 |
ID:
172617
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| Summary/Abstract |
he author presents her view on one of the most important events in the history of China in the first half of the 20th century, 1919's May Fourth movement. The reasons for and consequences of this movement against the backdrop of the New Culture movement (1915-1925) are considered in light of the effect the ideas of Westernization had on China, and the experience of the 1917 October Revolution in Russia. The relationship between domestic events and foreign influences on China is demonstrated. History shows it was a turning point in the life of Chinese society and called the future path of the country's development into question. Contemporary assessments of the New Culture movement and 1919's May Fourth movement revise and supplement existing ideas on the reasons for and content of the latter.
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| 2 |
ID:
123422
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
According to Marxist view, society is always divided into two classes such as oppressor and oppressed, rich and poor, bourgeoisie and proletariat, capitalist and the workers class. Furthermore, industralisation emerged the exploitation and degraded condition of workers by the capitalist class.
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| 3 |
ID:
111646
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2012.
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Place renaming is an archetypical feature of regime change in (post-)Soviet Russia. In the case of Leningrad / St. Petersburg it is interpreted here as an attempt at temporal boundary-making: in renaming streets, local elites tried to erect a symbolic time border between 'old' and 'new'. Since post-Soviet renaming mostly amounted to returning to places the maiden names they bore in the imperial period, toponymic changes since the perestroika did not imply a radically new semiotic mapping of the cityscape. In choosing memory landmarks for cultural self-identification that refer to an idealised European past, place-namers also tried to establish normative boundaries to situate St. Petersburg in a desired geopolitical space. Like other discursive constructions, these renaming processes are not free of contradictions however.
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| 4 |
ID:
023767
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| Publication |
New York, St. John's University, 1981.
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| Description |
lxi, 978p.Hbk
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| Contents |
Abridge edition by Chun-Ming Chang
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| Standard Number |
087075259
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 026896 | 923.151249/FUR 026896 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
023768
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| Edition |
Abridged English ed.
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| Publication |
New York, St. John's University, 1981.
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| Description |
lxi, 978p.Hbk
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| Contents |
Abridge Edition by Chun Ming Chang.
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| Standard Number |
087075259
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 020661 | 923.159249/FUR 020661 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
124310
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
After the October Revolution, the Bolsheviks established revolutionary tribunals to judge 'counter-revolutionary' and 'political' crimes. Amid conflicting reports from contemporaries on the effectiveness of these new courts, this essay examines their development over the first year of their existence. It argues that whilst tribunals were initially too inefficient for the regime, forcing greater central control over them, they played an important role in defining what constituted counter-revolution. In doing so, they promoted the regime's ideology, imparted an image of legality to the regime's actions, and helped the Bolsheviks to exert their control over a fragmented and diverse political landscape.
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| 7 |
ID:
101064
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Between 1919 and 1926 Weimar Germany pursued a foreign policy that sought to place Germany in a position to mediate between Soviet Russia and the United States. In particular, Berlin was eager to act as a mediator in the economic and commercial relations between these two powers. Germany hoped that such a policy would align it with two Powers that, like itself, were hostile to the Versailles order. Berlin also hoped that such a relationship would contribute to German postwar economic recovery and thereby to Berlin's re-emergence as a Great Power in the aftermath of its defeat in 1918. This policy culminated in 1925-1926 with Berlin's efforts to arrange for American financing of a 300 million Mark credit to the Soviet Union. Ultimately this and other efforts failed as result of Germany's own financial weakness, Washington's refusal to cooperate with Berlin's initiatives, and the nature of the Soviet economic system.
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| 8 |
ID:
125388
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2013.
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On February 1, 2009 the US strategic command revised the latest edition of OPLAN 0810-08, to a newly revised plan named OPLAN 8010-08 change. this plan originates from the former nuclear war plan of the US government targeted at the two socialist countries, the Soviet Union and China, which had the formal name of SIOP.
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| 9 |
ID:
097040
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| 10 |
ID:
124341
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
At the beginning of the Soviet-German war in June 1941 most Anglo-American Government officials believed in a swift collapse of Soviet resistance. When the collapse did not materialize assessments gradually changed and a more realistic outlook on Soviet war potential was eventually produced. But it was not until the late summer of 1943 that the Anglo-Americans finally believed in a more sustained Red Army offensive effort against the Germans, and even then US observers still underestimated Soviet strength. During the whole period 1941-1943 British observers generally had a relatively more realistic apprehension of Soviet capabilities. The Anglo-American perceptions and the change in perceptions, considering the whole context of World War II, had implications for the Western Allied war effort.
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| 11 |
ID:
109130
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Women get less of the material resources, social status, power and opportunities for self-actualization than men do who share their social location - be it a location based on class, race, occupation, ethnicity, religion, education, nationality, or any intersection of these factors. The process of feminization of poverty in Central Asia and Uzbekistan is intimately connected to the cultural and institutional limitations that put a ceiling on women's involvement in economic activity. This article attempts to study and explore gender in the context of poverty reduction in Uzbekistan, the most populated state of Central Asia, to understand the ways and manner in which poverty and other forms of deprivation demand women's participation in variety of contexts. The study is primarily an empirical one and is based on an extensive sociological investigation in the field.
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| 12 |
ID:
189802
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MUCH has been written about Georgy Vasilyevich Chicherin in Soviet and Russian works on history.1 His life and work have been depicted by journalists, filmmakers, and novelists. Yet there are a few touches missing from his portrait. This article endeavors to examine some aspects of him as an individual and a public figure while avoiding banalities as much as possibility.
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| 13 |
ID:
029417
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| Edition |
4th ed.
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| Publication |
New York, Oxford University Press, 1984.
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| Description |
xx, 695p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
0195033612
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 022835 | 947/RIA 022835 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
082967
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| Edition |
3rd rev. ed.
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New York, Frederick A Praeger, 1962.
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| Description |
xiii, 524p.
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| Standard Number |
Hbk.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 053680 | 947.084/RAU 053680 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
125496
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Has China replaced or is an the process of "replacing" strategic presence of India in South Asia, is the most pertinent question, which keeps the Indian strategic community busy. It is known fact that since ancient time South Asia, as a region, had been under the influence of India; but things change since beginning of the Cold War.
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| 16 |
ID:
124300
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The essays in this collection focus in different ways on the ambiguities and paradoxes of 'villains' and 'victims' in late-Imperial Russia and the early Soviet Union. They derive from a conference on 'Villains and Victims: Justice, Violence and Retribution in Late-Imperial and Early Soviet Russia', which was organised by Sarah Badcock and took place at the University of Nottingham on 6-7 April 2010. The title of the conference had a certain alliterative charm, which is compounded by the fact that most of the essays in this collection also concern violence: violence being the terrain on which villains and victims tended to meet.
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| 17 |
ID:
025043
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Panchsheel Publishers, 1989.
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| Description |
xxvii, 223p.Hbk
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| Contents |
Published under the auspices of Committee for Nehru Centenary and 40th anniversary of GDR
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 031525 | 923.254/GUP 031525 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 18 |
ID:
108924
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| 19 |
ID:
025047
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| Publication |
DelhI, Metropolitan Book Co. (Pvt) Ltd, 1972.
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| Description |
xii, 301p.Hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 007766 | 923.254/NEE 007766 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 20 |
ID:
096914
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The first part of this two part essay is a re-examination of the Czechoslovak crisis (1934-1938) based on papers from the Arkhiv vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii in Moscow. The essay is also grounded in British, French, and Romanian archives and the standard published collections, including the American and German series. It is about the development and conduct of Soviet collective security policy in the key years leading to the "Munich crisis" in September 1938. Evidence from the Moscow archives demonstrates that the Soviet government was serious about collective security and that it was ready to participate in an anti-Nazi alliance. Its initiatives were repeatedly rebuffed in Europe, notably in Paris and London. Even in Prague, the Czechoslovak president, Eduard Bene , was an undependable ally. These rebuffs led the Soviet government to be cautious during the Munich crisis. The Soviet Union would not act unilaterally, but what it actually did do was intended to defend Czechoslovak security within the constraints of Anglo-French abandonment in which Bene himself was complicit.
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