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| 1 |
ID:
085810
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Implicitly and explicitly, Canadians and Germans look to each other for best practices and lessons learned about politics and policy on such varied topics as approaches to federalism, electoral reform, environmental protection, welfare state reform, education, and immigration and integration.
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| 2 |
ID:
087358
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines the role of identity in shaping counter-terrorism policy in Canada. We show that identity functions in three ways: constitutively by defining the range of choices a state is likely to consider; strategically by being a resource to buttress arguments based in economic or sovereignty interests; and heuristically by using identity as a marker for risk. This three-faceted explanation helps explain why, despite close economic, social, and political links between Canada and the United States which might lead us to expect Canada to follow American counter-terrorism policy, Canadian counter-terrorism policy often diverges from the American lead.
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| 3 |
ID:
085807
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| 4 |
ID:
134663
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| Summary/Abstract |
Even though they claim to recognize that the boundaries between domestic and international security have eroded, scholars of Canadian paradiplomacy have tended to ignore the security-oriented paradiplomatic activities undertaken by sub-national actors in Canada. However, policing paradiplomacy is, in our view, a perfect case for understanding how paradiplomacy in security can change the relationship between the state and its citizens. Through an examination of the paradiplomatic activities of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, the Sûreté du Québec, and the Vancouver Police, we show how the role of the informal, the danger of mission creep, and the shaping of foreign policy from the margins work to shift how we think about where foreign policy happens.
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| 5 |
ID:
085818
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the transatlantic relationship moves further away from the cold war context that defined it for many years, it also becomes, by definition, less of an exclusive relationship.
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| 6 |
ID:
085813
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Currently, NATO's mission in Afghanistan is at the top of the transatlantic security agenda. In Canada, dissatisfaction with the level of support Canadian troops have been getting from their NATO allies has concentrated on Germany even more than other European countries.
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| 7 |
ID:
132387
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Allegations of police brutality, unlawful detention, and other breaches of civil liberties during the G20 in Toronto in June 2010 provide an important case through which to understand the changing nature of security and policing, raising questions about the political implications of such shifts in terms of police accountability, transparency, and democracy. Within the field of public policing, scholars predicted that globalization processes would weaken public policing as a dominant policing institution. Instead, it has expanded, in part, through the convergence of internal and international dimensions of security, whereby new policy networks cooperate in matters of policing and security in a new integrated model, the result of which is a further militarization of urban space and expanded markets for security, leading to the securitization of everyday life. This article examines the case of Toronto's hosting of the G20 and the role that the Integrated Security Unit-led by the RCMP and including private security firms-played. By focusing on the role of multilateral networks that include private sector actors, we examine the implications of the privatization and securitization of policing for democracy, citizenship, and accountability, looking at how they affect the ability of publics to engage in public debate, to consult, or to protest policies.
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