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| 1 |
ID:
151213
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| 2 |
ID:
118657
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses Brazil's growing role in external development assistance. During Lula da Silva's presidency, cooperation with developing countries grew dramatically. While the official position is that Brazilian development assistance is moved not by national economic or political interests, but by international 'solidarity', and does not reproduce the North-South traditional aid relations, we suggest that it is not completely divorced from national, sub-national or sectoral interests and cannot be viewed apart from Brazil's broader foreign policy objectives. Brazil does pursue political, economic and commercial interests and, concomitantly, has made a positive difference in the recipient countries. However, more empirical research and field investigation are needed to better gauge the impact of Brazil's assistance initiatives and their contributions to South-South cooperation more broadly. During Lula's terms (2003-2010), Brazil could be classified as a 'Southern donor', which expresses the country's own novelties, and tensions, of simultaneously being a donor and a developing country.
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| 3 |
ID:
123538
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2013.
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South-South cooperation is assumed to reflect a deep attitude of solidarity among nations of the global South. We point out that, although India, Brazil and South Africa (ibsa) present themselves as being in the vanguard of South-South cooperation, their foreign economic policies make such solidarity somewhat thin. We focus on examples in which these three states deliberately but also unintentionally create sub-optimal conditions for the development of some of their Southern neighbours. This outcome reflects the policies that emerging centres of accumulation in the South are promoting, as well as the material interests of the dominant class alliances in the aforementioned states. There is a need for close scrutiny of the foreign economic policies of dynamic developing economies, and for closer multilateral coordination among the states of the global South.
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| 4 |
ID:
111767
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| 5 |
ID:
119261
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2013.
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The relationship between China and Venezuela has experienced a comprehensive and rapid development in recent years, both economically and politically and in other areas. The establishment of a "strategic partnership" between the two countries in 2001 has defined a stable framework for collaboration. China and Venezuela established diplomatic relations in June 1974 but it was with the start of the presidency of Hugo Chavez (1998) when relations intensified dramatically. In that recognized and open impulse, that Caracas defined as a "perfect match," it should be noted, however, some important reservations.
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| 6 |
ID:
119258
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2013.
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The growing presence of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in South America highlights its domestic priorities. On the economic side, high levels of development, source of political stability and international recognition, exacerbate the need of importing natural resources and exporting manufactured products. Politically, the policy of national reunification, which is also an important provider of stability drawn from nationalism, demand strengthening relations with countries in areas attracted by Taiwan, isolating the island in the international arena. Beijing is actively working to increase its political leverage and shape the agenda of international politics giving South-South cooperation a strategic dimension well beyond mutual development. This fits South American objectives, namely the ones of Brazil, Argentina and Venezuela, that aim at diversifying international partnerships and perceive China as an alternative to the traditional orientation towards Latin America, the US and Europe. Positioning itself as a stakeholder, China creates the basis for an alternative international order using persuasion. The Chinese soft power in South America may be a drop of water in a much broader strategy.
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| 7 |
ID:
111538
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2012.
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Coaching and mentoring for capacity' is becoming increasingly important in the state-building toolbox. If executed properly, this instrument is believed to be significantly more effective than traditional technical assistance and would consequently seem to hold great promise for the state- and peacebuilding agenda. The latest offshoot of this development is the Initiative for Capacity Enhancement in South Sudan. The initiative seeks to enhance the capacity of the South Sudanese state apparatus by deploying civil servants from neighbouring nations to coach their South Sudanese counterparts. This paper explores this particular initiative with the aim of identifying insights about designing coaching and mentoring programmes for capacity development.
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| 8 |
ID:
189075
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Chennai, Macmillan Education India Private Limited, 2023.
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| Description |
xii, 204p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789356660250
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 060318 | 327.5406/RAY 060318 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
130643
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2013.
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A rising Africa has caught the attention of the world not merely because of its vast natural resources but also because it is the economically fastest growing continent. The article argues that, as Africa gains prominence, the roles of China and India have come into focus. New Delhi's current policy is quite different from that it pursued in the post-independence era, which was focussed on the limited political agenda of anti-colonialism. Even as its interests in the Indian Ocean rapidly grow, its great power ambitions are increasing backed by a burgeoning economy. This has necessitated a new a new policy of engagement that is expansive and multifaceted, encompassing political, economic and strategic dimensions. India maintains that its robust economic relationship is part of South-South cooperation and hence mutually beneficial, for it is aimed at capability and institution building. While economic and political aspects continue to dominate the academic discourse, the Indian Ocean is beginning to become a significant factor in India's Africa policy, even as this ocean acquires enormous geostrategic and economic
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| 10 |
ID:
098440
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines Japan's relations with the African countries from a post-World War II perspective and identifies an Anglo-Japanese initiative in the early 1960s to collaborate about matters relating to Africa's socio-economic development. The analysis pertains essentially to the Commonwealth African countries and further shows that apart from attempts to expand its exports to these countries, Japan's initiatives towards Africa until the 1990 left no landmarks that call for celebration, not least because Tokyo's foreign policy towards Africa was saddled with immobilist tendencies. The advent of the Tokyo International Conference on African Development since 1993 has, however, brought some dynamism to how Japan attends to issues relating to Africa's economic development. The article outlines recent events that demonstrate the dramatic transformation in Japanese foreign policy towards the Commonwealth African countries.
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| 11 |
ID:
047309
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Kanishka Publishers, 2001.
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| Description |
xv, 211p.
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| Standard Number |
817391446X
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 044846 | 327.17/SRI 044846 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
184980
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| 13 |
ID:
121762
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article aims to provide a critical analysis of how the 'emerging donors' are redefining the structure of development cooperation in the new millennium. It offers an overview of the growing role of Brazil, China, India and South Africa in shaping the conditionally driven framework of official development cooperation. By reviewing the aid coordination mechanisms of the Southern donors, the article also seeks to provide a context for comprehending the challenges for Southern countries to systematically manage, monitor and deliver aid. It argues that the Southern donors' interest in changing the dominant conditionality driven narrative of aid has opened up the possibility for constructing a new aid paradigm that focuses more on the strategic needs of the partner countries than on advancing the ideological interests of the donor countries. However, without assuming a much greater role in providing overseas aid and without building a unified platform based on a shared development vision, Southern donors will not be able to meaningfully alter the current dac -dominated aid architecture.
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| 14 |
ID:
109093
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