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| 1 |
ID:
131883
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| 2 |
ID:
156070
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| 3 |
ID:
125754
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Like many forces around the world, the British army is a force in flux. It is trying to balance financial austerity with restructuring its forces and getting back to preparing to fight wars away from the major distraction of constant operations over the last decade.
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| 4 |
ID:
142884
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the early Spring of 2015 the United Kingdom lost two of its best experts on European integration – John Pinder and Roger Morgan. Both brought academic expertise and great practical judgement to their support for the European project from a starting-point which stressed the importance of persuading the nation states of the benefits of increased integration. As we approach a referendum on Britain’s continued membership – a strange and unnecessary affair for most of those without a political axe to grind – their voices will be greatly missed, not least as the new generation of EU experts in British universities is increasingly cosmopolitan in character. The debate over BREXIT in the UK requires informed indigenous voices if it is not to be overtaken by raucous extremism, but they are ever fewer in number.
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| 5 |
ID:
166115
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| Summary/Abstract |
Charles Parton discusses the problem of Chinese interference in the United Kingdom.
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| 6 |
ID:
085257
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| 7 |
ID:
123261
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article contributes to the burgeoning literature on why states ratify human rights treaties. It first analyses why Ireland, the United Kingdom and the United States did not initially ratify or accede to the 1948 Genocide Convention, and then explores why the three countries eventually did accept it, 20-40 years after it was approved by the United Nations General Assembly. The extent to which material costs and benefits, the logic of appropriateness, and acculturation played a role in each of the three cases is assessed. Acculturation is particularly evident in the Irish case, but it also helps to explain the UK and US acceptance of the Convention.
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| 8 |
ID:
151807
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| 9 |
ID:
156269
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| 10 |
ID:
129766
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| 11 |
ID:
096324
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| 12 |
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| 13 |
ID:
053001
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| Publication |
Jul-Sep 2004.
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| 14 |
ID:
108123
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the relationship between the UK and Rwanda, using the lens of the UK Department for International Development's integrated approach to state building and peace building in fragile and conflict-affected states. It identifies a number of priorities for UK aid under such a framework, but shows that in the case of Rwanda these have not been foregrounded in the bilateral aid relationship. The article suggests a number of reasons for this, arguing that, by refusing to acknowledge or address Rwanda's deviations from what was considered a positive development trajectory, the UK is becoming internationally isolated in its support for the rpf regime. It concludes that, while this bilateral relationship may support achievement of stability and relative security in Rwanda, promoting such a narrow form of state building is detrimental to more holistic peace building, both nationally and regionally.
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| 15 |
ID:
150139
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| 16 |
ID:
113531
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to shed light on the ongoing debate about the extent of Al Qaeda's involvement in homegrown jihadist conspiracies in the West. Focusing on the London-based jihadist movement in the 1998-2008 decade, the article uses network analysis to test the domestic and transnational integration of Western networks. The evidence stems from an extensive database of individuals involved in jihadist terrorist conspiracies in the West compiled by the authors. Results show that Al Qaeda developed a branch organization in the United Kingdom during that period. A sociogram of U.S.-based networks is indicative of a dispersed topography, and a comparison shows the British model may not be representative of Western networks overall.
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| 17 |
ID:
188023
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The dominant academic narrative portrays British Muslim communities as alienated by counter-terrorism policies and consequently reluctant to cooperate with authorities by taking action against Islamist extremism. This article reassesses and nuances the “alienation narrative” with the use of unique data from three robust surveys of British Muslims. It finds that although a minority shows signs of alienation, most British Muslims are satisfied with and trust counter-terrorism policies as well as the government and the police. The level of willingness to take action against Islamist extremism is also high. The study confirms that aspects of alienation correlate with reduced willingness to take action against Islamist extremism, although they do not necessarily lead to disengagement.
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| 18 |
ID:
151357
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| Summary/Abstract |
Bringing the navies of Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom together under common command would make for a formidable naval force.
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| 19 |
ID:
074081
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Thirteen post-communist governments gave diplomatic support to the Anglo-American position on Iraq in 2003; many also gave military assistance to the war itself and most contributed to post-war operations. However 'small states' may be defined, none of these 13 actors can be considered a major power in international relations. This article assesses the reasons for their support of the United States. It first considers what material gains they expected and gained, and applies their support of the US against expectations of alliance behaviour. It then contrasts the behaviour of those Central and East European states with that of Belarus and of Serbia. The article then argues that an important explanation for post-communist state behaviour over Iraq comes from an expression of existential values that can be understood through the notion of 'soft power'.
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| 20 |
ID:
104713
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