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| 1 |
ID:
131095
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Nigeria is currently faced with serious domestic challenges. While the state is not officially at war, it is standing on the precipice, especially with the eruption of violence occasioned by the emergence of the Boko Haram sect and the tenuous peace in the Niger Delta. With the 2015 general elections on the horizon, fears of further violence and disintegration are rife, more so because of the debate over who occupies the Presidential Villa at Abuja. President Goodluck Jonathan, a southerner, seems poised for a comeback even amidst the vociferous challenge posed by the political elites of northern Nigeria. This article looks at the different scenarios that might play out in 2015. It analyses the challenges of the survival of the Nigerian state, and makes some policy recommendations that Nigeria and its people need to put into place in order to ensure its survival beyond 2015.
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| 2 |
ID:
096133
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| 3 |
ID:
017157
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| 4 |
ID:
141877
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| Publication |
London, Zed Books, 2015.
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| Description |
xi, 251p.hbk
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| Contents |
(B)
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| Standard Number |
9781780329987
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058379 | 960/BRA 058379 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
095465
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Near-term prospects for the region's economies are encouraging when one considers the enormous shocks of the recent crisis and the depth of the global downturn.
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| 6 |
ID:
130388
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| 7 |
ID:
140332
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper analyses the role of foreign aid in assisting development in two oil-rich countries: Indonesia and Nigeria. It seeks to understand the way foreign aid provided assistance to transform Indonesia from a ‘fragile’ state in the 1960s into one of the ‘Asian Tigers’ in the mid-1990s, and why it did not prevent Nigeria from falling into ‘African Tragedy’. The paper argues that foreign aid may help not only to finance development, but also to navigate policy makers’ policy choices. It shows how foreign aid may or may not help policy makers turn their policy preferences into action.
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| 8 |
ID:
115157
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Two commercial wind turbines namely AN Bonus 300 kW/33 and AN Bonus 1 MW/54 were technically assessed for electricity generation in six selected high altitude sites spreading across the North-West and North-East geopolitical regions of Nigeria by computing their capacity factors, annual power and energy outputs. The economic evaluation of using the two wind energy conversion systems (medium and large) for electric power generation in the selected locations were also estimated using the present value cost method. The results showed that capacity factors of the two turbines in the selected sites ranged between 4.6 and 43%. Average minimum cost per kW h was obtained in Kano as $0.0222/kW h with AN Bonus 1 MW while the highest average cost is $0.2074/kW h with AN Bonus 300 kW in Kaduna. The highest cost in each of the location was obtained with the medium WECs (AN Bonus 300 kW). In addition, Kano and Katsina were also found to be very economical for any of the adopted wind turbine models. Gusau and Kaduna, at cost of unit energy of about $0.30/kW h were found to be more profitable for non-connected electrical and mechanical applications (water pumping, battery charging) than diesel generator.
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| 9 |
ID:
118805
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| 10 |
ID:
062032
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| 11 |
ID:
189030
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the importance of embodiment in (research on) archival practices on state counter-terrorism policy in Nigeria. In doing so, the article seeks to contribute to the ongoing discussion around methodology and methods in critical security studies and other related fields in international relations by focusing on (researchers’) bodies as sites of knowledge production and intervention. Building on three empirical themes of fragmentation, labelling and gatekeeping that emerged from fieldwork in Abuja, Nigeria, I demonstrate how embodiment operates in active research contexts in the production – and problematization – of in/security. To do this, I draw inspiration from ideas around state archival practice; embodiment in critical security studies, especially as discussed in feminist and postcolonial work; and in/security theory to scaffold my broader methodological approach. A focus on embodiment, the article argues, marks the researcher’s body – and research – as integral to the development of theories and findings about security. At the same time, exploring the ways in which the (researcher’s) body is (re)produced in relation to identity and subjectivity encourages greater reflexivity in our research practice and fieldwork, as we are continually reminded that our work and our words are grounded in the standpoints that we occupy. The article concludes by identifying some useful strategies from my fieldwork for grappling with the challenges and tensions that emerge from bodily encounters in (security) research process.
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| 12 |
ID:
087995
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Arms acquisition is a crucial venture for armed insurgency groups for carrying out their militant activities. I argue that the specific manner in which these groups obtain weapons may have important consequences for the dynamics of violent intrastate conflict. While most previous studies of the relationship between arms acquisition and armed conflict have focused solely on the impact of arms availability, in this article I analyze the impact of two specific aspects of arms acquisition patterns-the methods and the degree of leadership control-on the dynamics and nature of armed conflict in a qualitative case study of the armed conflict in the Niger Delta (Nigeria) between 1995 and 2005. I conclude that the specific arms acquisition method and the degree of leadership control over this process have strongly affected the dynamics of the conflict.
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| 13 |
ID:
178523
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| Summary/Abstract |
While representing a major military threat in Niger and Nigeria, the two branches of the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP-Liptako Gourma and ISWAP-Lake Chad) have increasingly sought to win popular support (distinguishing themselves from other groups in the region, especially Boko Haram). Yet, despite some improvements in the recent past, both Niger’s and Nigeria’s different counterinsurgency practices have not been sufficiently adapted to (and therefore remain strategically misaligned vis-à-vis) ISWAP’s more population-centric approach. Strategic rethinking and realignment of the still predominantly enemy-centric approaches of both states are essential so that ISWAP strategy can be countered in the long term.
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| 14 |
ID:
027053
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| Publication |
London, AllentLane Penguin Press, 1970.
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| Description |
xiii, 513p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
0713901632
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 005783 | 960/FIR 005783 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
106314
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the process of nationalisation in the lives of African seamen in the era of decolonisation in order to understand why some Africans were drawn to nationalist identities at this time, and what they hoped to gain from this identification. It will be seen that in becoming Nigerian, seamen had to forfeit transnational sources of solidarity, and ultimately had to contend with new forms of exclusion and discrimination based on ethnicity and class within the Nigerian national context. The study thus follows the journey of everyday Africans as they sought out and engaged with ideological and political opportunities on the eve of independence, and the consequences of their aspirations and choices.
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| 16 |
ID:
172353
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Despite the benefit of modern contraception, its use remains low in Nigeria. This study examined belief system as a barrier to the use of modern contraceptives among the Idoma of Benue State, North Central Nigeria. Questionnaire (n = 1107), in-depth interview (n = 6) and focus group discussion (n = 52) were used to collect data from three local government areas (LGAs). The results showed high levels of knowledge (88.0%), however, only 37.8% used modern contraceptives. The male condom had the highest percentage use (56.7%). Chi-square results showed that LGA, education and occupation were significantly related to the use of modern contraceptives. Being of greater age increased the likelihood of use, whereas higher levels of education and income decreased the likelihood of modern contraceptive use (p < 0.05). Qualitative data indicated that married women were expected to eschew modern contraceptives due to their belief in Alekwu, the community deity. Designing interventions that are culturally specific could promote use of modern contraceptives among the group.
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| 17 |
ID:
174549
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper draws on fieldwork at three camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Northeast Nigeria. It interrogates the pre-displacement experiences of participants, their transition to and experiences of internal displacement, vignettes of life at IDP camps, their relationship with host communities, the non-universality of experiences of sexual and gender-based violence among female IDPs (despite the particularities of experiences of women and young girls) and the resilience and agency of IDPs. The paper argues that scholarly engagement with IDPs and their social conditions should go beyond fixation on or fetishisation of poverty. Overall, the paper contributes to the empirical literature on conditions of internal displacement in sub-Saharan Africa.
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| 18 |
ID:
170206
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues against the long-standing instinct to read African politics in terms of programmatic versus patrimonial politics. Unlike the assumptions of much of the current quantitative literature, there are substantive political struggles that go beyond ‘public goods good, private goods bad’. Scholarly framings serve to obscure the essentially contested nature of what counts as legitimate distribution. This article uses the recent political history of the Lagos Model in south-west Nigeria to show that the idea of patrimonial versus programmatic politics does not stand outside of politics but is in itself a politically constructed distinction. In adopting it a priori as scholars we commit ourselves to seeing the world through the eyes of a specific, often elite, constituency that makes up only part of the rich landscape of normative political contestation in Nigeria. Finally, the example of a large-scale empowerment scheme in Oyo State shows the complexity of politicians’ attempts to render distribution legitimate to different audiences at once.
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| 19 |
ID:
151753
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| Summary/Abstract |
Confronted with myriad security challenges, African states and the much-vaunted peace and security architecture of the African Union (AU) has proven not to be up to the challenge. Indeed, this is implicitly acknowledged by the AU itself if one considers the creation of such security structures as the African Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), which exists outside its peace and security architecture. This paper argues for a radical rethink of security structures on the African continent – one in which state structures of security coexist with newer forms of security actors, including private military companies (PMCs), community movements and the business sector. Whilst this shift in security actors is already happening on the ground, policymakers need to embrace this new reality.
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| 20 |
ID:
127489
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
There has been a reluctance or indifference to a systematic study and documentation of the Igbo Genocide in Nigeria. In the main, the reason has been due to official and non-official attempts to subvert a focus on an event in which more than one million Igbo were slaughtered through a process that was fomented, orchestrated, executed, and supervised by the Nigerian state.
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