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| 1 |
ID:
102748
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In May 2010 two elections took place in traditional 'Westminster' polities-the United Kingdom and Trinidad and Tobago-in which coalition governments took power. In both countries, a significant part of the discourse in the run-up to election focused on the inequities of the Westminster model, and, in particular, first-past-the-post. Yet, interestingly, the end result in many ways mirrors the kind of outcome often championed by supporters of more proportional electoral systems. This article compares and contrasts the two different elections, and asks whether such coalitions are set to become a regular feature of a more mature Westminster model.
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| 2 |
ID:
085951
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 2007 General Elections in Trinidad and Tobago have re-affirmed the country's 'one-party dominant system' in which the People's National Movement (PNM) has held power for 41 of the last 52 years, and has been elected to hold five more. Despite significant positive resources for democratic development in Trinidad and Tobago, one-party dominance has weakened Parliament, blurred distinctions between ruling party and government, and created vulnerability and powerlessness for dissenting minorities. These generic hazards have been exacerbated by Trinidad and Tobago's history of Crown Colony government and the 'resource curse'. Since 1986, the PNM's dominance has been fragile, consistently supported by less than a majority of voters. Despite this, the Opposition has remained fragmented for rather petty reasons, as there exist no insurmountable ideological, policy, or ethnic-based differences between them. The major group which refused to join the other forces in 2007 represents a political 'Third Tribe' in Trinidad which constitutes roughly 23% of the country, and has a significant electoral effect in six or seven specific Trinidadian constituencies. In conclusion, it is argued that Trinidad and Tobago requires the political will and maturity to emerge from the dangers of one-party dominance by creating a viable second political force.
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