| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
114628
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The politics of the Southern Asia region is mainly influenced by
the political developments that take place in the two neighbouring
Southern Asian countries, India and Pakistan. However, IndoPak relations have never been stable; rather, they have fluctuated
from acrimony to cooperation and vice versa. Since the partition of
the Indian subcontinent, relations between the two neighbouring
countries have been defined by a host of post-partition political
problems and crises like the border dispute, Kashmir dispute, water
dispute, etc. The emergence of the Cold War politics in the Indian
subcontinent further aggravated the acrimonious relations between
India and Pakistan. The Pakistani leaders have never reconciled the
grievances of the post-partition political problems, especially on
the Kashmir issue; thus, they consider India as the 'biggest threat'
to their existence.
1
Because of this fear psychosis, they joined hands
with the US-led Western military alliance Southeast Asia Treaty
Organisation (SEATO) and Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO),
and manoeuvred Pakistan's policy towards the Muslim countries
to develop 'power parity' with India, if not in economic terms, then
through military technology
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| 2 |
ID:
095964
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China has throughout its history played a significant role in Southern Asia. China is a large and very populous country. However, China's role throughout its history has been more related to its civilisation and ideas than to its size. There have been wars and invasions, peace and tributes, but the overriding impression that one has of China's role in Southern Asia is that of ideas institutions. When China's century-old revolution culminated in the establishment of a Communist government in China, its role acquired a very crucial dimension. It is in intended to look into more general aspects of what the successful Communist revolution in China has meant and means to Southern Asia.
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| 3 |
ID:
176967
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| 4 |
ID:
092302
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| 5 |
ID:
187517
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| Summary/Abstract |
The concept of NFU has been around for many decades, but only two of the nine nuclear armed nations have declared NFU doctrines. Both of these China and India, are in Southern Asia, a region that houses three geographically contiguous states with nuclear weapons. Pakistan, the third nuclear armed country in the region, rejects NFU. The paper examines the disparate positions of the three countries in order to find their motivations for and objections against NFU. By understanding their decisions to accept or reject NFU, one can test the strength of the arguments normally made in favour of first use. The paper showcases the utility of NFU as an effective credible strategy that achieves the objective of deterrence at least risk. Such a posture also demands less onerous arsenal requirements, liberates the decision maker from having to lay down redlines on use of nuclear weapons, and eases the ‘'lose or use’' dilemma of the adversary. Meanwhile, first nuclear use presents itself as not only a dangerous but also non-credible strategy, especially where the adversary has a secure second strike capability. Understanding the benefits of NFU and futility of first use can also help shape global acceptability of NFU as a step towards nuclear disarmament. Till such time as all stakeholders can be convinced of the desirability and feasibility of such a world, acceptance of NFU can be a safe way station.
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| 6 |
ID:
016863
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| Publication |
1993.
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| Description |
8-15
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| 7 |
ID:
109715
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| 8 |
ID:
010923
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| Publication |
1994.
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| Description |
1-17
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| 9 |
ID:
111272
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| 10 |
ID:
088519
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The earliest years of offsetting nuclear weapon capabilities between rivals can be the most harrowing. India and Pakistan have certainly followed this pattern. But over time, rivals can moderate their competition, especially with regard to nuclear weapons. Formal arms control treaties, like those negotiated between the United States and the Soviet Union, are unlikely for southern Asia. India and Pakistan can, however, employ tacit agreements, confidence-building, and nuclear risk-reduction measures to allay mutual concerns over nuclear weapons. Forward progress on this agenda will likely be constrained by extremist acts linked to Pakistan and political instability there.
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| 11 |
ID:
115367
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| Publication |
Manipal, MUP, 2012.
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| Description |
xiv,65p.
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| Standard Number |
9789382460008
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056816 | 327.54051/KUM 056816 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
071021
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| 13 |
ID:
122077
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| 14 |
ID:
059145
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| Publication |
Oct-Dec 2004.
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