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| 1 |
ID:
122609
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| 2 |
ID:
089219
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Scholarly work on the rapprochement between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the United States that began in the early 1970s has mainly focused on the strategic and security concerns that underlay that development.1 Yet, during the early phases of the new relationship political-economic problems, involving claims for expropriated property and commercial policy matters, had a telling impact on U.S. policymaking and Sino-American relations. Believing that the development of trade between the United States and China could be a significant element of the rapprochement, the Nixon administration assumed that commercial prospects depended on resolving thorny difficulties from the years of overt hostility, mainly the PRC assets blocked by the U.S. Treasury and U.S. private claims over property seized by the PRC. During early 1973, U.S. and PRC diplomats began talks over ways and means to settle those problems. Yet, neither the Nixon nor the Ford administrations could reach a claims-assets settlement with Beijing; what became contentious negotiations deadlocked until after the Carter administration came to power.
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| 3 |
ID:
029751
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| Publication |
New York, Praeger Publishers, 1973.
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| Description |
xx, 395p.hbk
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| Series |
Praeger Special Studies in International Politics and Government
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 011518 | 951.249/CHI 011518 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
117827
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| 5 |
ID:
112423
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recent literature on soft balancing predicts an increased occurrence of soft balancing against Washington at times when the United States acts unilaterally in foreign policy. At the same time, realist literature in IR suggests that interest violations should trigger opposition by states whose interests are being violated, unless there are unacceptable costs associated with soft balancing. In contrast to these views, this article demonstrates that interest violation and unilateralism, both individually and together, are weak predictors of soft balancing. Instead, based on the cases analyzed, I argue that soft balancing is most likely to occur when interest violations go hand in hand with perceptions of predatory intentions.
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| 6 |
ID:
128714
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| 7 |
ID:
108875
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As India rises as a major world power, two divergent perceptions are beginning to dominate the policy-making circles in both China and the US. According to the Chinese, India's recent behaviour clearly proves that it is joining an anti-China alliance with the United States and the Americans are recruiting the Indian tiger to hedge against the rising Chinese dragon. The US India nuclear deal and the warming strategic relationship between the two countries are in this context viewed as part of Washington's global strategic calculations. The Americans on the other hand, are worried of the recent warming of Sino-Indian relationship such as improving economic and trade ties, closer coordination on some common global issues, more frequent diplomatic exchanges and the emergence of a Russia-China-India axis that could counter the alleged US hegemony in the world. This paper examines the merits of these perceptions and explores the reasons why, contrary to common perceptions, India would continue to follow an independent foreign policy posture towards both the US and China.
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| 8 |
ID:
095589
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 1999 Sino-American relations experienced intense strain as a result of NATO's Kosovo intervention, and in particular by the bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade by an American B-2 bomber. Why did the bombing of China's embassy in Belgrade in the spring of 1999 touch such a raw nerve among the Chinese people and leadership? With the coming of the tenth anniversary of these events, what still needs to be explained is how Chinese and Americans could draw such divergent conclusions about that which they've never disagreed on-the incontestable fact of the embassy's demolition-and how the fact that what Americans called "a mistake" could almost completely derail Sino-American relations, which President Clinton in his very successful visit to China a year before had called a "strategic partnership." Based on a series of semistructured interviews the author did in Beijing and Washington with 28 Chinese and 30 American experts, this research draws a number of important conclusions in this regard. First, intensifying and even defining the conflict were a number of important perceptual gaps. Second, given the dispute over the intentionality of the embassy bombing, the conflict boiled down not to clashing interests, per se, but rather to issues of trust and beliefs about motives and intentions. Third, poor handling of the embassy bombing by both governments deepened the conflict and the alienation both sides felt. Fourth, underlying the lack of trust and the perceptual gaps between the two sides was "Fundamental Attribution Error.
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| 9 |
ID:
086311
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2009.
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In the history of US-China wartime relations, the Stilwell Incident has become 'hard evidence' that the Nationalist Government had no intention of fighting against Japan and would exploit Allied resources to expand its strength. Interestingly enough, Stilwell's successor, Albert C. Wedemeyer, despite taking command in a difficult and awkward situation, succeeded in strengthening the Nationalist armies to fight the Japanese and kept Sino-American relations out of a state of crisis. With the availability of Chiang Kai-shek's newly-released diaries and the Wedemeyer Papers, historians are now in a good position to explore how and why Wedemeyer could successfully fulfill his mission. The basis of Wedemeyer's success becomes clear upon close examination of his perception of and attitude toward the Chinese situation and of his dealings with Chiang Kai-shek, the ongoing offensive of the Japanese troops, and KMT-CCP conflicts. Wedemeyer's case provides insight into the nature of the US-China wartime relationship.
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| 10 |
ID:
124074
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper applies two dimensions, inter-governmental and trans-societal, to discuss US-China environmental relations. It argues that, while official bilateral environmental relations between the two over the past 15 years have not yet achieved substantial outcomes, trans-societal linkages between American and Chinese NGOs and activists have grown steadily. The scope and volume of their work may not be as visible as that of ODA projects or official initiatives, but their impact may be more sustainable and not easily interrupted by administrative or regime shifts in either country. On the other hand, this paper highlights that US-China relations in regard to climate change will explain the main trends that will dominate the overall environmental cooperation in the coming years. Whether or not the governments can build up mutual trust and effective mechanisms in security, trade and other policy fields will affect the possibility of a conducive atmosphere for cooperation in environmental protection.
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