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| 1 |
ID:
125113
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
ON JULY 27, 2013, it will be 60 years since the Armistice Agreement was signed in the village of Panmunjom, putting an end to the three-year Korean War. That war, which has become the bloodiest and most devastating military conflict since the end of World War II, remains an unhealed wound for the Koreans while its consequences are still making an impact on the international situation in Northeast Asia and beyond.
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| 2 |
ID:
170741
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| 3 |
ID:
090667
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
From the beginning of the Cold War, the Mediterranean had emerged as one of the key theaters of confrontation between the United States and the USSR. However, the Cold War was to be just one of the many factors that fed this precarious regional security environment. As British power in the Mediterranean began to contract after 1945, the United States initially reluctantly, but inevitably, moved to fill this power vacuum through the Truman Doctrine, the inclusion into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) of initially, France and Italy and later Greece and Turkey and the cultivation of an understanding with General Franco. Attempts were made to create closer relations with moderate Arab regimes through the Eisenhower Doctrine. During the 1950s, the Mediterranean became a sea of American preponderance where, ostensibly, most local sources of discord had been subsumed into the greater global conflict.
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| 4 |
ID:
100186
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Homeland and adherence to professional duty. They had to perform such urgent, top priority tasks as mobilizing the international capabilities of the Soviet Union to rebuff the Fascist aggression, prevent enlargement of the Fascist coalition, and take advantage of the contradictions in the enemy camp to effect its split. In order to perform these momentous tasks, Soviet diplomats were required to have the following capabilities: in-depth knowledge of all the intricacies of international problems as a whole and of those in their immediate work field in particular; high resistance to stress; the ability to work efficiently under psychological pressure and in conditions of high physical exertion; the competence to rapidly make decisions and carry them out in perpetual extraordinary situations; and the ability to subtly bring partners round to their way of thinking during talks and negotiations.
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| 5 |
ID:
025361
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| Publication |
Bombay, Pearl Publications Pvt Ltd, 1967.
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| Description |
107p.pbk
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| Series |
New Pearl Paperback
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 002115 | 956.046/JAP 002115 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
134899
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| Summary/Abstract |
When the Soviet Union and the United States became potential enemies at the end of World War II increased U.S. resources were spent on trying to better understand the USSR's economy and society. As the Cold War escalated in the immediate post-war years new U.S. organizations were created to analyze the USSR. Studies have been conducted about U.S. government assessments of the USSR during the Cold War, for example regarding the Central Intelligence Agency's (CIA) estimates of Soviet capabilities and intentions. 1 But the United States had already been trying to assess Soviet capabilities before the onset of the Cold War, and these efforts were of particular interest during World War II, when Soviet resources were being used against a common enemy: the Axis Powers.
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| 7 |
ID:
186398
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In the late 1980s and early 1990s the KGB and its successor SVR began a campaign to claim a large share of credit for the USSR’s development of an atomic bomb. Memoirs by KGB officers celebrated their service’s success in penetrating the American “Manhattan” project. As part of this campaign, in 1991, Vladimir Chikov, a serving KGB (later SVR) officer, published an article in Russian and English, followed by a full-length book in French (1996), German (1996), and Russian (1997) on the exploits of an atomic superspy code named “Perseus,” said to still be alive and unknown to American security. “Perseus” was described as a senior physicist who was part of the Manhattan project from its origins, working first at the Chicago “Med” lab with Enrico Fermi and later at Los Alamos with Robert Oppenheimer. Veteran KGB officer Anatoly Yatskov, who had supervised several spies in the Manhattan project, added his endorsement of the “Perseus” story. For years, amateur and professional researchers used the clues in Chikov’s writings to search for the identity of “Perseus,” but no strong candidate emerged. With the opening of the Venona decryptions in 1995, most professional historians became convinced that “Perseus” was a KGB/SVR fiction, but “Perseus” lingers still with the wider public as a yet unidentified Soviet atomic spy. This article points to the internal contradictions and impossible assertions in Chikov’s “Perseus” story, as well as how Venona shows that Chikov took elements of the story of a real Soviet spy, Theodor Hall, to construct the “Perseus” myth. Hall was a junior scientist without an advanced degree who worked at Los Alamos in 1944 and 1945 (never at Chicago), but Chikov moved Hall’s story back to 1942 and elevated him from a junior figure to a senior scientist and associate of Fermi and Oppenheimer who, in Chikov’s words, gave Stalin “the Manhattan project on a serving plate.” Further, Chikov gave “Perseus” numerous attributes that precluded the still living Hall from ever being a candidate for the atomic spy “Perseus.”
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| 8 |
ID:
146250
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A quarter-century after the collapse of the USSR, authoritarian politics dominates seven of the fifteen successor states. Placing the post-communist authoritarian experience in the broader frame of nondemocratic governance, this essay explores the origins and operation of personalist rule in the region; the relationship between time and power; and the role of Soviet legacies in shaping the agenda and tools of leadership. It also examines the efforts of post-communist authoritarians to enhance personal and regime legitimacy by claiming to rule beyond politics. Within the post-communist world, the essay finds significant variation among authoritarian leaders in their approaches to personnel policy and to the use of policies, symbols, and narratives to address the ethnic and religious awakening spawned by the collapse of Soviet rule. The essay concludes with a brief assessment of the trajectories of post-communist authoritarian leadership.
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| 9 |
ID:
191902
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This article analyzes the consequences of the recently declassified Soviet decree No. 331-112 of 27 April 1965 that established, inter alia, the status of the Soviet Arctic straits along the Northern Sea Route with respect to warships’ right of innocent passage. This article argues that the decree, read in conjunction with Article 5.2 of the 1958 Convention on the Territorial Sea and Contiguous Zone and Article 8.2 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, establishes a right of innocent passage through the majority of the Russian Arctic straits, which warships can enjoy. Furthermore, this article asserts that the decree calls into question the existence of a customary regime regulating navigation through the Arctic straits.
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| 10 |
ID:
143262
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As the Foreign Policy Research Institute celebrates its 60th anniversary, we reprint FPRI founder Robert Strausz-Hupe's inaugural essay from Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs. In that year, 1957, most observers believed that that the outcome of the Cold War between the United States and the USSR was uncertain. But the author believed that, based on his understanding of geopolitical realities, that the United States was just then in the process of assuming the leadership of a new universal empire—Novus orbis terrarum, or new world.
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| 11 |
ID:
029100
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| Edition |
1st ed.
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Young Asia Publications, 1978.
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| Description |
485p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 017824 | 954.92/SHA 017824 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
092922
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Soviet Navy used a helicopter/ship system called "Sovietnik" to detect a cruise-missile warhead in the joint USSR-US experiment on the Black Sea, Which took place on 5 July 1989.
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| 13 |
ID:
105091
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 1992, barely a year after the collapse of the USSR, three Russian lawyers were granted unprecedented access to the holy of holies -- the minutes of the Politburo, the Soviet Communist Party's highest body. President Boris Yeltsin was anxious to secure his political triumph by seeking to outlaw the Communist Party, and his lawyers were entrusted with using the historical records to prepare his case before the newly formed Constitutional Court.
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| 14 |
ID:
156671
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For most of the 1950s, manned aircraft were the prime nuclear bomb delivery method, and were therefore a vital metric for British and American intelligence when calculating the Soviet threat. Each community reached very different conclusions from the same raw intelligence, generating the ‘bomber gap’ myth in the US but not in the UK. The information available was inconclusive, so in order to understand it estimators had to rely on their assumptions, which were different. Contrasting scopes for parochial capitalisation drew their conclusions further apart. Contrary to orthodox accounts of this episode, Soviet deception did not play a central role.
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| 15 |
ID:
078969
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Beginning in 1974, the construction of the Baikal-Amur Mainline Railway (BAM) dominated public life in the Soviet Union for the next decade. Declared complete in 1984, BAM was arguably the greatest and most costly construction feat in post-war Soviet history. Officially, the mainline was to serve as the "path toward communism" that would unite all Soviet citizens. This article explores the crime and corruption that surrounded the propaganda-driven world of the BAM. Although the railway led to few concrete accomplishments in either the industrial or social development of the USSR, the sociological and criminological consequences of BAM were profound. The highly visible presence of both petty and hard-core criminals on the railway revealed that life on the rails was not as progressive or futuristic as the state claimed. Instead, the dynamics of crime and control that intersected during the BAM's ten years of prominence revealed that the peculiarities of human nature, not what the state termed "communist morality," defined those who worked on the project
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| 16 |
ID:
144960
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THE 70TH ANNIVERSARY of the United Nations Organization is an international event of signal importance. Set up as a fundamental element of the international system, the UN remains its cornerstone with no alternatives no matter what its numerous critics are saying in chorus. Today amid the disarray and contradictions of the contemporary world, mankind, if confronted with the task of setting up a universal international structure to preserve peace and security, would have come up with an indifferent result if not a failure. Critics concentrate at individual aspects of the UN activity and talk about details: they stand too close to be aware of the grandiose panorama of this construction, hence their attention to arches and façades
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| 17 |
ID:
154082
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Dissolution of the USSR and the end of the Cold War had transformative impact on geopolitical environment of Europe. In a changed environment, initially Russia moved towards Western countries and organizations for a closer partnership. Early enthusiasm, however, did not last long and a disillusioned Russia changed the course of its foreign policy from western-orientation to multipolar orientation. At the turn of the 21st century, President Putin adopted a pragmatic approach to cooperate with the West in a framework of fight against terrorism.
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| 18 |
ID:
101650
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| 19 |
ID:
111801
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| 20 |
ID:
118735
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
December 1991 marked the beginning of a grandiose experiment whose purpose was to establish a whole group of independent states in the territory of a world giant known as the U.S.S.R., which occupied one-sixth of the Earth. Their establishment was based on the negation of the previous Soviet model providing for the domination of one party, which had imposed a no-choice ideology on the society, and for the administrative command system of politics and economics.
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