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| 1 |
ID:
162523
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article sheds light on the Melkite Catholics in Galilee. It strengthens the assumption that many Melkite Catholics arrived in the Acre region during Ḍāhir al-ʿUmar's reign (1730s–1775), and it shows that relations between the Christians and adherents of other faiths were good enough in day-to-day life, allowing the Christians to develop their business and to share important properties with Muslims. It also shows that some familial traditions have been preserved since the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries; the branch of the ʿAssāf family discussed here preserved the tradition of higher education and business. This study proves that in the village of Miʿilyā, and probably in other Christian villages, there is a relationship between the arrival date of the families, the location of their quarters in the villages and the feasts that they are responsible for. In Miʿilyā, the earlier families settled the castle and were responsible for the most important feast days.
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| 2 |
ID:
154063
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The post-World War I partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, especially the League of Nations’ appointment of Britain and France as the mandatory powers for Palestine and Syria respectively, influenced the lives of the inhabitants of Upper Galilee. With the district left in December 1919 under French rule, the elated Christians began to avenge themselves on their long-time Bedouin opponents, who for their part supported the short-lived pan-Arab kingdom proclaimed in Damascus by Emir Faisal ibn Hussein of Mecca. With the Upper Galilee deteriorating into internecine strife, the Jews, perceived as supporters of the French, became a target for Bedouin attacks.
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| 3 |
ID:
151857
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| Summary/Abstract |
The relations of the Bedouins with the Jewish population during the War of Independence were very complex. The Bedouins were both opponents and friends. Bedouin groups helped the Jews in their struggle against the Palestinian national movement and against the Arab armies like Arab-al-Hib. Before the foundation of the state, these Bedouins had already participated in the protection of the security of the Jewish population. They supplied intelligence on events of the Arab and Palestinian sides, and also fought by the side of the Jews in the War of Independence, but at that time other groups joined the Palestinian national movement and took part in the struggle against the Jewish population, more so after the declaration of the partition plan in the United Nations. Subsequently, Bedouin fighting gangs were established and they joined the Palestinian struggle with the Jewish population.
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| 4 |
ID:
086718
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Jewish Colonization Association organized Jewish rural settlements at the beginning of the twentieth century all over the world. Its colonization effort in Cyprus, although minor and doomed is nevertheless important, as it is widely documented and thus helps to understand essential dynamics and conceptions of the JCA administration.
The present article is based on a report prepared by Jules Rosenheck, a high official of JCA in nearby Palestine, where the JCA's activity was much more intensive. Rosenheck's report reviews a wide scope of local characteristics, from agricultural techniques to medical conditions. On the human scale, it gives a thorough introspection of pettiness and generosity, thriftiness as well as laziness and carelessness. Moreover, the report exposes in detail the inner logic of the JCA, and through it of philanthropie associations in general at that period, about management, technical and agricultural as well as personal. It also contributes to a better understanding of the JCA's conceptions concerning its Palestinian settlements, as Rosenheck refers to them constantly.
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| 5 |
ID:
171051
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| Summary/Abstract |
During Israel’s War for Independence, the Bedouin tribes did not have a united attitude: Some tribes, who built good relations with the Jewish population, supported the Jewish side and fought with them, whereas other Bedouins tribes considered themselves part of the Palestinian population and fought with them. There were also tribes that supported no side and kept neutral.This article focuses on the Galilee Bedouin tribes, who chose to cooperate with the Jewish Yishuv and fought on their side. The article explains the background on which the relations between the Bedouins and the Jews in Galilee were built at the end of the Ottoman era and during the British mandate. It also examines the mutual trust and friendship that had developed between the Jewish population and their neighbor Bedouin tribes, leading them to cooperate with the Jewish side and support their cause. It analyzes causal factors and historical events that led certain Bedouin tribes to fight against the Jews and support the Palestinian side, and the reasons tribes kept neutral in this conflict.
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| 6 |
ID:
162259
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| Summary/Abstract |
Following the processual shift in border studies, recent concepts such as “borderities” and “borderscapes” allow for original analyses that give voice to multiple agents alongside that of the nation-state in bordering processes, elucidate the links between border representation and border experience, and establish borders as both “markers of belonging and places of becoming”. This article will explore the potentials of these concepts when applied, not to the highly mediatised Separation Fence in the West Bank, but to a less studied border that reveals parallel evolutions in Israeli borderities and contemporary Middle Eastern borderscapes: the Israel-Lebanon border. It will focus on a marginal and little known phenomenon, that of the migration of Southern Lebanese to Israel. The creation of the State of Israel at the expense of Pan-Arab and Palestinian national aspirations has laid the foundations for a diversified relation to this border amongst inhabitants of the Galilee today depending notably on their belonging to the indigenous Arab population, or the more recently settled Jewish population. Through an analysis of two groups of Lebanese migrants, who, although originating from the same villages in Lebanon, settled respectively on opposite sides of the Arab/Jewish divide in Galilee, we will see how different patterns of border crossings produce different levels of interiorisation of the Israel-Lebanon border and different uses of categories of identity and meaning defined by it. Reterritorialised in either of Galilee’s superimposed geographies, Southern Lebanese migrants reveal two alternative Galilean borderscapes, one normative and hegemonic, partaking in the “national order of things”, the other discreet and alternative.
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| 7 |
ID:
139148
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| Summary/Abstract |
`Haifa al-Jadida` (New Haifa) was erected in 1761 by order of the Bedouin ruler Daher el-Omar, governor of the Galilee. As part of the process of building the city, a wall was constructed to encircle it, with a tower overlooking it from above. After its establishment the ‘New Haifa’ became the urban core for the emergence of modern Haifa while the new city was gradually solidified and its characteristic outlines were moulded. From the end of the Ottoman period in 1918 until 1948, the urban expanse remained practically unchanged. In 1948 ‘New Haifa’ was almost destroyed except for the few ruins that were left. In spite of the centrality of the new city in the history of Haifa, very little is known about this area. This article reconstructs the image of ‘New Haifa’ by portraying the location of the city walls and the urban expanse. For the purpose of reconstruction, an 1841 sketch of the city is superimposed on an aerial photograp of the area taken in 2008, and a map of the old city dated to 1937.
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| 8 |
ID:
189421
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| Summary/Abstract |
The complex relationship between Bedouins and Zionist pioneers in the Land of Israel during the late 19th and early 20th centuries evolved along two parallel tracks: conflict and cooperation. The former was a corollary of the sociocultural gap between the pioneers and the Bedouins and revolved by and large around the diametrically opposed views regarding land ownership rights and their implications (e.g. access to water, grazing). The latter was a result of the growing Bedouin realisation that the Zionist project was there to stay: the more the Jewish pioneers proved their determination to cultivate their lands and defend themselves the more they won Bedouin respect, or at least grudging acquiescence, which in turn evolved to wider recognition of the vast socioeconomic benefits of peaceful coexistence.
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| 9 |
ID:
155899
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Drawing on Arabic, English, and Hebrew language sources from the British and Israeli archives, this article seeks to bridge the catastrophic rupture of 1948 to the early 1950s and to trace the changing relationship between ordinary Palestinian olive cultivators in the Galilee and the newly established Israeli state. In contrast with studies that center on the continued expulsion of Palestinians and extension of control over land by the state and state-supported actors in the aftermath of the Nakba, this study examines those Palestinians who stayed on their land and how they responded to Israeli agricultural and food control policies that they saw as discriminatory to the point of being existential threats. Beyond analysis of Israeli state policy toward olive growers and olive oil producers, this article brings in rare Palestinian voices from the time, highlighting examples of Palestinian resistance to the Israeli state’s practices of confiscation and discrimination.
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