Srl | Item |
1 |
ID:
035311
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Publication |
Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1987.
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Description |
xl, 495p.hbk
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Series |
SIPRI Yearbook 1987
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Standard Number |
0198291140
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
028298 | 327.17405/SIP 028298 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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2 |
ID:
036296
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Publication |
Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1989.
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Description |
xxi, 538p.hbk
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Series |
SIPRI Yearbook 1989
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Standard Number |
0198277512
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
030900 | 327.17405/SIP 030900 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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3 |
ID:
036302
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Publication |
Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1987.
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Description |
xl, 495p.hbk
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Series |
SIPRI Yearbook 1987
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Standard Number |
0198291140
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
028225 | 327.17405/SIP 028225 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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4 |
ID:
139552
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Summary/Abstract |
From 1960 until 1965, the People's Republic of China (PRC) built a remarkably cordial quasi alliance with the Republic of Indonesia. At the same time, however, the years between 1960 and 1965 were marked by two large waves of anti-Chinese movements in Indonesia. Although more than half a century has passed since these events, our understanding of Chinese foreign policy towards Indonesia during these turbulent years remains incomplete. In 2008, the Chinese Foreign Ministry Archives declassified for the first time documents produced during the years between 1961 and 1965. However, very recently in summer 2013, the Chinese Foreign Ministry Archives re-classified the main body of its collection. Through examining this body of fresh but currently inaccessible official records, this article aims to bridge the gap between scholarly works on the PRC's diplomatic history and overseas Chinese history. By tracing the processes by which Chinese diplomats dealt with Sukarno, the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia, and the Communist Party of Indonesia (Partai Komunis Indonesia, or the PKI), this article argues that the ambivalent Chinese alliance with Indonesia was shaped by three disparate pressures which interacted and competed with one another: the strategic need to befriend Third World countries, ethnic ties to the Chinese in Indonesia and ideological commitment to the international communist movement.
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5 |
ID:
061093
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6 |
ID:
062998
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7 |
ID:
143471
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Publication |
Geneva, Strategic and International Security Studies, 1980.
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Description |
62p.pbk
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Series |
PSIS Occasional Papers; no, 3
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
021486 | 355.0335/MIL 021486 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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8 |
ID:
184897
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9 |
ID:
185298
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10 |
ID:
063774
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11 |
ID:
063629
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12 |
ID:
153138
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Summary/Abstract |
The 1940s saw an intensification of worldwide interest in the problems of development and underdevelopment. One consequence of this was a rapid evolution of the language of global development. The reconstruction of its genesis is most commonly attempted through the analysis of literature on the subject and accounts by those who took part in or observed the debates of the time concerning the world’s development and structure. This article proposes a different approach which locates important events in the evolution of the modern language of global development on timelines tracing populational, political, socio-economic and civilisational processes.
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13 |
ID:
140961
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Summary/Abstract |
This article is a contribution to recent literature on the shape of the polycentric world order. It argues that the Third World remains a valid concept for describing the interests and ideas that shape the foreign policies of many key non-Western states. However, the Third World has changed in a fundamental way. The article describes the historical emergence and contemporary manifestations of a ‘creative’ Third World in contrast to the ‘protest’ Third World of the past. It describes the nature of this shift and how it is reshaping Western leadership. It argues that the main challenge for the West is to create a coherent pluralism in international order that embraces this creative Third World.
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14 |
ID:
027837
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Publication |
New York, Hart publishing company, 1967.
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Description |
299p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
003674 | 951.056/BAR 003674 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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15 |
ID:
020300
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Publication |
Sept 2001.
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Description |
1-13
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16 |
ID:
164074
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Summary/Abstract |
In fact, both India and China continue to struggle for the supremacy of the geopolitically sound and strategically important Indian Ocean Rim region (IOR) with a view to surpass each other in this area of sea waters as a major bone of contention between the two hostile neighbour though the thorniest border issue still remains unresolved between them. While Beijing ridicules Indian position with respect to Indian Ocean just not as India’s Ocean, China must also not extend its claim over the entire South China Sea as China’s own Sea and ought to honour this principle of equity as regards its expanding roles in Nepal, Bangladesh and Myanmar besides many other countries scattered around the Indian Ocean Rim.
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17 |
ID:
009991
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Publication |
Mar 1996.
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Description |
1703-1716
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18 |
ID:
165066
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Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the connected histories of armed tribal and peasant revolts in colonial and postcolonial India with reference to the ongoing Maoist conflict in rural and tribal areas of central and eastern India. The article makes two interrelated arguments about the violent continuities that endure from colonial to postcolonial contexts: (1) the nation-state system, in its efforts to establish control and influence, creates a hierarchy of citizenship engaging in the hostile policing of marginalised subjects, thereby engendering armed revolts and political violence; (2) the postcolonial state’s response to these armed revolts by marginalised subjects who challenge its sovereignty and monopoly over violence, is equally violent and repressive. Most significantly, the state’s response is legitimised in the same colonial idioms and justifications that mark epistemic and physical violence against the third world.
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19 |
ID:
063426
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20 |
ID:
184941
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