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| 1 |
ID:
045225
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1969.
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| Description |
ix, 304p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
521058643
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 010753 | 960.3/OLI 010753 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
098060
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| 3 |
ID:
172446
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 1948, British authorities in the Gold Coast implemented a series of security reforms aimed at resisting future disruptions resulting from growing discontent with colonial rule. These reforms included the formation of a police intelligence organization, developed in collaboration with the British Security Service. This expansion of the colonial state into intelligence work preceded its first steps toward self-rule, inadvertently making this intelligence program an unintended participant in the process of decolonization. This article examines the foundations of that intelligence network and how it resisted the political exigencies required by the Gold Coast’s entry into diarchy. It explains how British officials arrived at the conclusion that a West African colony required a modern, intelligence-gathering apparatus under the oversight of the British Security Service and how that security system was used to challenge the realization of an independent Ghanaian state under the leadership of Kwame Nkrumah.
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| 4 |
ID:
122637
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2013.
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The creation of the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) in February 1974 was arguably one of the most important developments in Hong Kong since 1945. Not only did major corruption syndicates disappear from the fabric of public administration in the colony, but the popular acceptance of bribery as a component of social life also faded away. Sir Murray MacLehose, who served as Governor of Hong Kong between 1971 and 1982, was regarded by locals as the maverick behind this miracle. This article argues, however, that the genesis of the ICAC could be better understood as a product of the cumulative efforts of MacLehose and his predecessors. The initiative should also be considered in the political context of the rising tension between London and the local community. In a way, the establishment of the ICAC helped pre-empt London's intervention in this matter. Also, despite a public appearance of unbridled support for the crusade against corruption, MacLehose's resolve was severely tested during the early years of the ICAC, and he did contemplate moderating the operation of the Commission, even before the partial amnesty in 1977.
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| 5 |
ID:
191780
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This study considers Batavia’s first Chinese captain, Souw Beng Kong (1580–1644) as an example of the memory politics of urban Chinese Indonesians in Jakarta. It explores how and why he has been remembered in the contemporary era. While the stereotype of Chinese Indonesians has its roots in the Dutch colonial period, this study takes the Dutch institution of the captain as a framework to examine what is remembered as a way to bind group members together in a shared community of memory. This study argues that remembering Souw represents an implicit but defiant response to a long-standing negative stereotype that the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia are perennially alien outsiders.
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| 6 |
ID:
107444
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Conventional wisdom from colonial history research has it that the states which
the British left behind them were better equipped for democratic government
than the states that had belonged to other colonial powers. Investigating the
democracy fortunes of all fifty-four territories that were freed following World
War II from British control, and applying Freedom House ratings to determine
democracy status, this study examines the belief that democratic government
has become a characteristic feature of former British possessions. Findings are
that the former colonies may be ordered roughly into three groups. Whereas
seventeen countries since 1972 have always, or almost always, been classified as
democracies, a larger portion, consisting of twenty-three countries, has always,
or almost always, been ranked as non-democracies. The remaining fourteen
countries represent an in-between category. On the whole, therefore, the idea
that democracy is a central part of the Westminster heritage overall cannot
be supported. Explanations for the division of the former colonies into three
groups have been researched in different directions, and the efforts substantiate
earlier observations in the literature on the relevance to democratization of
factors that relate to state size, modernization, and geography. Concerning the
impact of the length of colonial rule, the findings confirm an earlier suggestion
by Samuel Huntington that colonies which had a long British presence have
been particularly well equipped to develop into stable democracies.
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| 7 |
ID:
102035
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2011.
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This special issue of Modern Asian Studies explores the shift from colonial rule to independence in India and Pakistan, with the aim of unravelling the explicit meanings and relevance of 'independence' for the new citizens of India and Pakistan during the two decades after 1947. While the study of postcolonial South Asia has blossomed in recent years, this volume addresses a number of imbalances in this dynamic and highly popular field. Firstly, the histories of India and Pakistan after 1947 have come to be conceived separately, with many scholars assuming that the two states developed along divergent paths after independence. Thus, the dominant historical paradigm has been to examine either India or Pakistan in relative isolation from one another. While a handful of very recent books on the partition of the subcontinent have begun to study the two states simultaneously, very few of these new histories reach beyond the immediate concerns of partition. Of course, both countries developed out of much the same set of historical experiences. Viewing the two states in the same frame not only allows the contributors to this issue to explore common themes, it also facilitates an exploration of the powerful continuities between the pre- and post-independence periods.
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| 8 |
ID:
117910
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2011.
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The aim of this article is to analyse the growth and development of bureaucracy as an institution of government in Bangladesh from historical and politico-administrative perspectives. Although it is now an independent state, various Hindu kings, Muslim emperors, British lords and zamindars of the Indian subcontinent ruled the area of Bangladesh for several hundred years. In 1947, when India and Pakistan emerged as independent states, Bangladesh was a part of Pakistan. To understand the growth and development of bureaucracy in Bangladesh, the article is divided into two broad sections: the colonial legacy of both British India and Pakistan (1601-1971) and the Bangladesh period (1971-2008). The structure and working patterns of bureaucracy in Bangladesh are a legacy of British colonial rule, which impeded reform efforts after Independence and caused politicisation of the administration and governance. Civil-military elitisms reduced accountability of the administration, resulting in a dominating bureaucratic structure with corruption.
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| 9 |
ID:
143335
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This study presents an analysis of the history of official corruption in colonial Nigeria based on the requirements of Nigerian laws against corruption and the actual reporting of corruption cases made by the Director of Audit from 1950–1960. It reveals that many of the proven cases of fraud were however not sanctioned as required by law and that this laid the foundation for a culture of impunity in the management of public resources in the immediate post-independence period. The paper concludes that cases of corrupt acts could probably have been mitigated had the due processes of financial reporting been strictly followed.
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| 10 |
ID:
087508
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2009.
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Focusing explicitly on a political science perspective, this article argues that the inter-communal politics of personal law debates in India can be seen as a politically navigated form of identity construction. Specifically the Hindu-Muslim debates demonstrate that today, such contested matters of identity are not merely debated within national boundaries but have also taken on global dimensions which need to be accounted for. Inter-communal politics evidently have important implications for electoral politics, but manipulations of personal laws run the risk of making bad politics.
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| 11 |
ID:
188185
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This article analyses the history of Marathi-speaking India after 1600 in order to understand why Dalit and Bahujan movements first arose in this region before spreading across South Asia. It argues that this was an explicable consequence of a tradition of social action long extant at the village and supra-village levels—that self-organisation had been yoked to hegemonic power, but not thereby erased. I then invoke Antonio Gramsci’s concept of subalterns as subordinated fractions of a larger whole to analyse this phenomenon. Finally, I trace the breaks and continuities that enabled the leadership of Jyotirao Phule and B.R. Ambedkar.
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| 12 |
ID:
031954
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| Publication |
London, Zed Press, 1981.
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| Description |
v, 357p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
0905762738
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 020890 | 968.8103/DEP 020890 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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