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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
123048
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It would be easy to label the Democratic Republic of the Congo an irredeemable mess. For almost two decades, the country has been roiled by a series of wars involving neighboring countries and dozens of Congolese militias. Recent years seemed to bring some respite; in 2009, following a peace deal between the Congolese and the Rwandan governments, some of the main armed groups in eastern Congo joined the national government. But this agreement, like previous ones, soon succumbed to its flaws. Since April 2012, violence has once again begun to escalate, centered on a new rebellion in the eastern highlands led by the March 23 Movement, or the M23 (the group takes its name from the date of the signing of the 2009 peace accord, which it contends the government has not respected). There are now 2.6 million people displaced in Congo, over 30 different armed groups, and thousands of killings and rapes each year. The UN has deployed one of its largest peacekeeping missions there, and half a dozen peace processes and agreements have failed to bring an end to the fighting.
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| 2 |
ID:
087700
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In January 2009 a radical realignment of alliances
occurred in the eastern region of the
Democratic Republic of Congo, a shift that
could have a far-reaching impact on the conflict
there. The Rwandan government arrested Congolese
rebel General Laurent Nkunda, whom it had
previously supported, and ordered his commanders
to begin integrating their soldiers into Congo's
army. In return, the Congolese government allowed
Rwandan troops into the country to carry
out joint operations with its own army against the
Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda
(FDLR), a group of Rwandan rebels
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| 3 |
ID:
185857
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| Summary/Abstract |
Literature on conflict duration emphasizes the importance of material factors, commitment problems and information asymmetries. Using the case study of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and drawing on interviews with 138 sources involved in the conflict, this article advances a theory of conflict duration that highlights the role that interests, identities and the social anchorage of belligerents play. Together, they explain how the conflict in the Congo has become an end in itself for belligerents, carried forward by its own momentum. This article describes the key factors: a proliferation of actors, the rise of a military bourgeoisie, the involution of interests, and the symbiosis of belligerents. A similar argument can be applied to other protracted conflicts in large and weak states. This understanding of conflict has repercussions for policy, as it suggests that there is no inherent link between elite political settlements and stability. It pushes away from the technocratic approach to institution-building to centre the role of the state and political culture in debates over peacebuilding.
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