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| 1 |
ID:
113996
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
De-legitimization of Israel as a sovereign state and denial of the Jews' rights, indeed of their legitimate presence in Palestine in both antiquity and today, have been the cornerstone of the Arab position since the onset of the Middle East conflict. Even the peace agreements between Israel and some of its neighbours - Egypt (1979), the PLO (1993), Jordan (1994) - have not changed this attitude, as starkly illustrated by schoolbooks of the nations concerned. This essay describes the depiction of the Jewish state in Palestinian Authority (PA) schoolbooks in comparison to Arab, Iranian, and Israeli textbooks.
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| 2 |
ID:
149634
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| Summary/Abstract |
Last May, I resigned from the Israeli government and parliament. I did so largely for reasons of domestic policy, including differences with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu [1] on issues such as respect for the rule of law and the independence of the Supreme Court. National policy toward the Palestinians [2] was not central to my resignation, but it is no secret that I differed on that front as well with some in the government and the Knesset in which I served.
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| 3 |
ID:
104291
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Incentives are capable of creating favourable environments in which peace processes can make progress. This is especially true for mega incentives, which can assist in overcoming political and socio-psychological barriers to peace. In Israeli-Arab peacemaking, incentives have not yet proven efficient. To date, they have been used in a limited and inefficient manner. In 2010, the US offered Israel incentives in return for an extension of Israel's settlement freeze. This move failed due to unfavourable political conditions and scepticism regarding its ability to bring about a major breakthrough. Nevertheless, it signaled that incentives are now an integral tool in US diplomacy and could serve as a step towards crafting a multi-national mega incentive package for Middle East peace.
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| 4 |
ID:
111599
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