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| 1 |
ID:
128428
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's aggressive actions in the East China Sea, combined with other factors, especially North Korea's continuing intransigence, have created an increasingly hostile security environment for Japan. Its response to these events can be seen in the impressive political rebirth of Shinzo Abe and the Liberal Democratic Party. While Abe, currently serving as prime minister for a second time, was elected largely because of his economic policies and the ineptitude of the formerly ruling Democratic Party of Japan, he has used his mandate to press forward with long needed, albeit controversial, defense and security reforms that indicate the seriousness with which Tokyo takes its current situation. With China looming up in front of them, and Pyongyang posing lesser but still worrisome threats, the Japanese have become acutely aware of the fact that their Self-Defense Forces (SDF) have one hundred and forty thousand ground troops, one hundred and forty-one maritime vessels, and four hundred and ten aircraft, while China's People's Liberation Army has one million six hundred thousand troops and North Korea has one million soldiers. Meanwhile, North Korea maintains a significant, if decaying, navy and air force, with one hundred and ninety vessels and approximately six hundred aircraft. China's much more capable maritime and air assets include nine hundred and seventy vessels and two thousand five hundred and eighty aircraft.
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| 2 |
ID:
129758
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| 3 |
ID:
130063
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
When it comes to solving problems with China's overreach at sea, there are laws for that.
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| 4 |
ID:
128001
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| 5 |
ID:
135033
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| Publication |
Taipei, Prospect Foundation, 2014.
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| Description |
vi, 328p.Pbk
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| Standard Number |
9789868806627
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057962 | 327.51/HO 057962 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
138613
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| Summary/Abstract |
It has been decades since the last war between major powers in Asia, but there is no guarantee that the region will always be able to avoid conflict. The greatest strain on the peace is in North Asia, where there has been rising tension between China and Japan. What begins as a
minor skirmish between China and Japan could conceivably escalate into a more serious conflict that involved the United States and, in the worst case, the use of nuclear weapons by Beijing and Washington. Even a major conventional conflict (between just Japan and China, or
involving all three) could be devastating for North Asia and the wider region, leading to a significant loss of life and widespread political, institutional and economic damage.
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| 7 |
ID:
106563
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| 8 |
ID:
078814
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| 9 |
ID:
114645
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines recent developments in the East China Sea maritime disputes, focusing primarily on the Principled Consensus agreed on by China and Japan for the joint development of energy resources. The article also provides a perspective on the East China Sea maritime disputes between the two countries within the context of international relations.
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| 10 |
ID:
095873
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Future international relations in East Asia are likely to be largely shaped by the maritime strategies and policies of various actors. This paper examines China's policy and behavior in maritime cooperation in the East Asian region in recent years, a topic that has been insufficiently understood. I suggest that while it is necessary and useful to take into account China's naval power, more attention to Chinese intentions and policy on East Asian maritime issues is warranted to arrive at a more balanced, and arguably more accurate, understanding of China's role in East Asian maritime affairs. This paper takes stock of China's changing perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors in maritime cooperation in the region. I describe China's new policy moves in the South China Sea and East China Sea. I also address some of the major Chinese concerns for further maritime cooperation in East Asia. I conclude that while a grand cooperative maritime regime is still not possible from a Chinese perspective, China is likely to agree to more extensive and substantive maritime cooperation in many functional areas, most notably in the non-traditional security arena.
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| 11 |
ID:
120538
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although there is clear dissatisfaction in China with the nature of the current global order, it is hard to find a clear and coherent Chinese vision of what an alternative world might look like. This is partly a result of conflicting understandings within the country of the benefits and drawbacks of taking a more proactive global role and perhaps undertaking more leadership functions. But it is also a consequence of how elites frame Chinese interests and demands in different ways for different audiences.
Furthermore, the existing order has in fact served China quite well in its transition towards becoming a global power. So while at times China appears to be the main driver for reform and change, at other times (or to other people) the emphasis is on China as a responsible stakeholder in the existing system.
How others receive and interpret these conflicting signals is likely to be influenced by the way China exercises, rather than talks about, its growing power - perhaps most notably in terms of its territorial claims in the South and East China Seas and its role as a regional power.
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| 12 |
ID:
129116
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| 13 |
ID:
131191
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recent events in the South China and East China seas suggest an increase in the confidence and capabilities of the china's People's Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) and People's Liberation Army Navy Air Force (PLANAF).
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| 14 |
ID:
114356
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| 15 |
ID:
130717
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Within the first year of Xi Jinping's elevation to the presidency, China has moved further ahead on its path to achieving primacy in the world. In the last week of November 2013, Beijing imposed an Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ) over the conflicted Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea, much to the consternation of its feuding neighbours such as Japan and South Korea. Their howls of protest found expression in the US attempt to challenge China to promulgate what it has done in deed.
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| 16 |
ID:
157808
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| Summary/Abstract |
The East China Sea dispute has become a characteristic feature in the defined “hot economics, cold politics” relations between China and Japan. The maritime sphere has gained precedence in the larger realm of diplomacy, thus making the contested waters a primary hotspot of power politics between the two Asian countries. With the growing tensions, in all likelihood the maritime dispute will be high on the political and security agenda of China and Japan. What makes this worrisome is that the dispute does not just make the bilateral relations unstable but holds significant implications for East Asia’s regional stability. In this regard, given the phenomenon of constant testing of each other’s resolve, the possibility of an all-out confrontation in the East China Sea remains a vital concern. What has further added to the power struggle is the US involvement, thus making the dispute a difficult case to resolve. The crux of the paper lies in understanding the volatility of the East China Sea dispute between China and Japan. In doing so, the paper examines the determinants of the dispute, the actors involved and their responses.
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| 17 |
ID:
148754
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| 18 |
ID:
117813
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| 19 |
ID:
147840
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper looks back at China’s policy towards the establishment of a crisis management mechanism with Japan in the East China Sea from the beginning of the negotiations in 2008 to the deadlock reached at the end of 2015. During this period of seven years, China moved from being a reluctant negotiator to interrupting the negotiations and finally accepting their resumption, but only after setting such a high bar in terms of relative sovereignty gains that the talks unravelled. The paper argues that the socialisation of China to confidence-building norms in the security sphere – norms that the strategic community of the PRC traditionally rejects – is making very slow progress despite the rising risk of incidents in maritime East Asia. It concludes that Chinese foreign policy uses crisis management negotiations to secure a variety of foreign policy goals linked to sovereignty and balance of power rather than a tool purely dedicated to building security and stability by freezing an existing status quo.
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| 20 |
ID:
148743
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