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| 1 |
ID:
127707
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyzes the relationship between territoriality and organized violence through an examination of two relatively understudied aspects of the production and reproduction of informal territorial boundaries in situations of violent conflict. It looks first at the role of the state in the establishment, maintenance, and institutionalization of substate territories associated with challengers, outlining how these bounding processes are generated through interaction between the state and challengers, rather than primarily through the actions of challengers. Secondly, it explores the shaping force of geopolitical contexts on the everyday maintenance of informal boundaries in conflict situations. The argument is illustrated with examples from the most recent period of violent conflict in the north of Ireland, drawing on a range of primary sources, including official and private papers. The article argues that an analysis that gives due recognition to the central role of the state and the importance of the geopolitical context in the delineation and institutionalization of substate territories associated with armed challengers can help us to better understand the dynamics of organized violence.
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| 2 |
ID:
124723
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Canadian provinces and territories have gained increasing relevance in matters of international trade over the last several decades. The possibility of a Canada-European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, however, marks the first time that sub-federal governments in Canada have been directly involved in specific areas of negotiations. The significance of this development, examined in this series of policy papers, can be organized under five overarching themes: 1) the negotiation, ratification, and implementation of foreign trade agreements; 2) the need to distinguish between process activity and actual policy outcomes; 3) the ongoing relevance of Canadian federalism; 4) the impact of non-governmental actors, especially civil society; and 5) the differing interpretations of academics, practitioners, business, and societal groups.
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| 3 |
ID:
091740
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| 4 |
ID:
165782
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| Summary/Abstract |
Article Type: Commentary Essay Purpose—Much of the debate on North Korea assumes that Pyongyang would be truly satisfied with the overall status quo if it were only safe and secure enough. The purpose here is to argue that Pyongyang may instead be looking for reunification from a position of strength. Method—The short paper is built mostly on secondary-source research. It uses short historical case studies in addition to professional writings, both academic and journalistic. Findings—Overall, the argument is that Pyongyang has never abandoned the goal of unifying the peninsula under its own leadership. In fact, its "endgame" is a DPRK that spans the entire peninsula and unites the entire Korean people. Implications—To go forward and work with a nuclear North Korea towards a mutually agreeable long-term arrangement on the peninsula, understanding the long-term goals of Kim Jong Un is critical. The argument presented here may instill more caution in negotiation partners and statesmen/-women, especially in Seoul, Washington, and Tokyo, but also in Beijing and Moscow.
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| 5 |
ID:
087808
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| 6 |
ID:
097331
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| 7 |
ID:
127692
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article assesses how the concept of safe territory can expand our understanding of the persistence of, and eventual disengagement from, violence by violent political organizations. The explanatory utility of this concept is demonstrated through an analysis of the cycles of political violence perpetrated by the Red Brigades in Italy and the Provisional Irish Republican Army in Northern Ireland. This work offers two main illustrative hypotheses. First, the opportunities provided by safe territories are not necessarily conducive to the continuation of political violence, although they facilitate its persistence over a long period of time. Second, the presence of safe territories, regardless of the ideology of the violent political organization, tends to enforce disengagement from political violence at the group, rather than the individual, level. Finally, the analytical intent in introducing the concept of safe territory is to contribute to spatial understandings of political violence.
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