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| 1 |
ID:
099966
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| 2 |
ID:
133736
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Luo Jialun (1897- 1969) was the first Ambassador of the Republic of China to India. In his tenure as Ambassador to India (1947- 9), he had intensive interactions with leaders of newly independent India. He was also often consulted for his expertise and opinions related to nation building. Unfortunately, his ambassadorship ended in December 1949 after New Delhi decided to recognise the communist-ruled People's Republic of China and break off diplomatic ties with the Republic of China. Acknowledging that Luo's diplomatic career in India has not received much publicity, this article tries to establish the significance of his India mission. The article argues that Luo should not be blamed for the severance of diplomatic relations between India and the Republic of China, which was affected by the global and regional systemic changes resulting from the defeat of the Nationalist government in China. Despite the eventual severance of ties, Luo's passage to India from May 1947 to January 1950 was largely productive. He had relied on his knowledge and experience to fulfil his assignment as an envoy.
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| 3 |
ID:
158740
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History, little understood, shows that for 55 years a policy of ‘strategic ambiguity’ about the application of the Australia, New Zealand, United States Security Treaty to Taiwan, a flashpoint in Asia, served Australia well. Return to it could lessen the risks of embroilment in any Sino-American war in East Asia, and enhance Australia’s middle-power options.
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| 4 |
ID:
129686
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Chinese Dream was officially put forward on November 29, 2012 by the Chinese general Secretary Xi jinping in the meeting of 18th national congress of the communist party of China, as the important guideline ideology and important governance philosophy. Xi defined Chinese dream as to achieve the great rejuvenation of Chinese nation in the greatest dream of the Chinese nation in modern times. The core objective of the Chinese dream can be summarized as the goal of "two Hundred Year", which can be elaborated as, the year 2021 is the 100th anniversary of the communist party of China and the year 2049 is the 100th anniversary of the Peoples Republic of China.
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| 5 |
ID:
191116
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This article addresses the Taipei National Revolutionary Martyrs’ Shrine (Guomin geming zhonglie ci) as a site of contention over national sovereignty and belonging. The shrine originated in Sun Yat-sen's aspiration to commemorate the anti-imperial martyrs of the 1911 Republic and in the Nationalist government's attempt to marshal political allegiance in the 1920s–1940s. Upon fleeing from the mainland to Taiwan after losing to the Communist forces in 1949, the Nationalist leadership renovated the Japanese-built National Protection Shrine in Taipei, transforming it into the National Revolutionary Martyrs’ Shrine to house the displaced spirits of the national dead. Throughout the Cold War era, the spring and autumn sacrifices performed by heads of state and visits to the shrine by foreign dignities served to affirm the sovereignty of the Republic of China vis-à-vis the People's Republic of China. Even though the end of martial law in 1987 opened a new era marked by the Nationalist Party's loss of political hegemony, the shrine continued to adhere to the Nationalist Party's ideology and version of history. Far from embodying a place of remembrance and mourning for war victims, the palace-style compound is a site of contested sovereignty exaggerated by China's extraordinary growth and Taiwan's transforming identity. The enshrined dead have found a new role as both an assertion of the island's autonomy and a reflection of its dynamism. The departed, albeit silent, hold power in the malleability of their memories, and each permutation of how the past is remembered hosts its own tension.
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| 6 |
ID:
099964
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| 7 |
ID:
092666
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| 8 |
ID:
113615
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This report presents cartographic evidence of the government of the Republic of China's (ROC) change of attitude from denying to asserting sovereignty over the Diaoyutai Islands in the early 1970s. Scholars have hinted that China kept silent about the Japanese claim on the Diaoyutai Islands since its 1895 annexation. As cartographic evidence in this report reveals, however, the ROC did not keep silent. By not including the Diaoyutai Islands in its official cartographic productions, the ROC admitted that the Diaoyutai Islands were not part of its territory. This has significant implications for the ROC because Japan exerts its claim over the islands not only on the terra nullius principle, but also on the fact that Taiwan viewed these islands as non-ROC territory until the 1970s. Today, Taiwan continues to exert the claim that it has owned these islands since ancient times. Our cartographic evidence suggests difficulties for Taiwan in defending its claim in this longstanding battle.
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| 9 |
ID:
086494
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2009.
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This law is formulated in order to suit the development of a planned socialist commodity economy and the needs of the economic structure, to promote the autonomous operation of enterprises owned by the whole people,to strengthen the economic responsibility system and democratic management, to improve the state of operation, to increase economic efficiency, and to protect the lawful rights and interests of creditors and debtors.
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| 10 |
ID:
092757
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| 11 |
ID:
138472
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| Summary/Abstract |
The author draws extensively on Gu Yiqun's writings to survey the core ideas of economic liberalism that were current in China in the mid-1930s. She looks closely at the theoretical arguments advanced in favor of a free market economy, and the criticisms leveled at the time at the Soviet planned model and controlled economy.
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| 12 |
ID:
100658
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| 13 |
ID:
011966
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| Publication |
march 1997.
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| Description |
98-109
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| 14 |
ID:
086498
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| Publication |
2009.
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The following opinion, which are based on the experiences of the Enterprise Bankruptcy Law and judicial practice, are hereby put forward in connection with a number of issues in bankruptcy proceedings in order to correctly implement the Enterprise Bankruptcy Law of the People's Republic of China (for Trial Implimentation)(hereinafter referred to as the Enterprise Bankruptcy Law)
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| 15 |
ID:
099973
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| 16 |
ID:
025008
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| Publication |
New York, United Pacific International, Inc, 1983.
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| Description |
xvi, 473pHbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 021487 | 951.032/CHA 021487 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
010679
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| Publication |
March 1996.
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| Description |
40-54
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| 18 |
ID:
183462
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Following their victory in the Chinese Civil War, the Chinese Communists initiated a nationwide counterinsurgency. In Guangxi, a mountainous province at the China-Vietnam border, anti-communist rebels waged an insurgency from 1949 to 1952, hoping that foreign support and Cold War rivalries could eventually restore the ancien régime. This research investigates the counterinsurgency in Guangxi, one of the more mutinous provinces in post-Civil War China. By situating the Guangxi counterinsurgency in the global context, this article aims to contribute to the discussion of Chinese counterinsurgency strategy, experience and how the People’s Republic’s triumphed over the armed resistance.
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| 19 |
ID:
126286
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2013.
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The only substantial mechanism paving the way towards an amicable solution to the ongoing Tibet issue has been the direct dialogue held between the representative of the Dalai Lama and the representative of the people`s Republic of China (PRC). The Dialogue initially commenced in the year 1979, and the recently held round of talk in 2010 resulted in no agreement or common ground between the two sides. The dialogue was carried forward amid serious doubts and skepticism over China`s true intention towards seeking a feasible solution to the Tibet issue. Recently, two Tibetan envoys who participated in the negotiation with China resigned due to the failure of the germinate any concrete solution, expressing their frustration over the lack of positive response from Beijing amid ongoing exacerbation of the situation in Tibet, simultaneously expressing their helplessness as Beijing was not reciprocation any of the concessions and sacrifices made by their side. However, keeping the hopes alive, the Tibetan government-in-exile, known as the Central Tibetan Administration, signaled that it is ready to engage in a meaningful dialogue, anywhere and at any time.
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| 20 |
ID:
126979
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Turmoil in the Taiwan Strait addresses Ambassador Wellington Koo's role in Chinese foreign policy from 1953 to 1956 and his relevance in the larger Cold War context. In particular, it focuses on Koo's involvement in the 1954 Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty and the 1955 Dachen Islands Crisis. This paper argues that, although Koo accomplished a fair amount during this time, he would have encountered fewer professional obstacles had he not represented Chiang Kai-Shek, who had become a controversial figure by the mid-1950s. At the same time, one can conclude that Koo creatively used media and meetings with statesmen abroad to shore up support for the Republic of China during this turbulent decade. This article attempts to provide another perspective on Koo, who has traditionally been understudied in the West. Furthermore, this work seeks to add a meaningful contribution to the historiography on cross-strait relations-particularly in the contemporary era.
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