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| 1 |
ID:
143655
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite renewed interest, one area of piracy studies that can be improved is that of historical comparison. Most studies operate under the belief that piracy is an action similar enough to be compared across time and space. Yet piracy is a socially constructed concept that only has meaning within a narrative and most ‘waves’ of piracy are characterized by more than one narrative. Thus, comparing all acts of piracy across time and space necessarily means accepting a particular narrative about piracy as true. Much historical-comparative work on piracy compares contemporary piracy to that of the ‘golden age’ of piracy in the eighteenth century. By focusing on the narratives of both pirates and counter-pirates, piracy in Southeast Asia in the nineteenth century is more comparable to contemporary piracy in the Gulf of Aden. Both ‘waves’ were characterized by competing narratives of pirates defending local interests vs. the counter-piracy narratives of criminality. This approach highlights similar dynamics in each that can help researchers and policymakers make sense of piracy in the twenty-first century. In particular both ‘waves’ were characterized by the rise of local political formations built around piracy and the denial of the political content of piracy by counter-pirates.
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| 2 |
ID:
129885
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| 3 |
ID:
104729
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| 4 |
ID:
109955
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the world becomes increasingly globalized, interruptions to international trade cannot be permitted. Piracy off the coast of Somalia has hampered international trade in the region and poses significant risks to the sailors required to navigate those waters. Over the past three years the global community has attempted, through a number of different naval tactics, to stop these acts of piracy; however, these tactics have proven ineffective. This article looks at historical precedence and military theory to support the concept of using convoys to protect the thousands of cargo vessels traveling round the Horn of Africa every year. This tactic will greatly decrease the number of successful pirate attacks and save countless lives in the process.
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| 5 |
ID:
087920
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Maritime piracy flourishes at the seams of globalisation because jurisdiction is unclear and pirates exploit the inherent isolation of individual vessels and nations. Given these dynamics, new international law and policy frameworks have become the most effective force multiplier for implementing a new collaborative approach, and the first test is the challenge posed by maritime piracy in the Horn of Africa.
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| 6 |
ID:
127265
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| 7 |
ID:
113183
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The literature on Japan's international security policy, including overseas interventions, since the end of the Cold War has focused on Japan's emergence as a 'normal' state. This discourse is informed by realist theory, which posits that states aim to increase their material power to secure themselves in a hostile anarchical order. This article explores the maritime security role of the Japan Coast Guard (JCG) to elucidate alternative theoretical paths that shed new light on Japan's foreign interventions. Specifically, a critical constructivist approach is applied to demonstrate the unique maritime security responsibilities that the JCG has assumed in line with Japan's pacifist identity and even at the expense of the Maritime Self-defence Forces, as demonstrated in Diet debates on Japan's Anti-Piracy Measures Bill in April 2009. Rather than pressuring states to become 'normal', there is much to be gained from understanding how identities inform alternative approaches in International Relations.
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| 8 |
ID:
139384
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| Summary/Abstract |
As political instability challenges China’s growing interests in the Mediterranean region, the European Union might prove to be the right partner for Beijing. This essay assesses the prospects for EU-Chinese security cooperation in the region. A shared doctrinal concern with nontraditional security provides a solid foundation, as proved by antipiracy efforts in the Gulf of Aden. This paves the way for nontraditional security cooperation in the Mediterranean region, for instance in the field of noncombatant evacuation. Yet a crucial precondition is that the EU behaves more coherently, in order to be perceived by China as a reliable partner.
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| 9 |
ID:
154008
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| 10 |
ID:
130434
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| 11 |
ID:
127254
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| 12 |
ID:
151794
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| 13 |
ID:
110199
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article aims to assess how China is using its navy to secure its interests in the Gulf of Aden, and what this means for the European Union. The analysis of how China's naval presence in the Gulf of
Aden has evolved since early 2009 suggests that China's increasing interests and involvement in Africa do not necessarily lead to the establishment of Chinese naval bases in or close to the continent. To supply its
ships, the Chinese navy may well continue using the commercial-diplomatic model that China has been developing. This model is based on
China's close diplomatic relations with countries in the region and the
extensive presence of Chinese companies to whom logistical services can
be outsourced and who are under a greater degree of state influence than
most Western multinationals. One of the consequences of this approach
is that although China may not establish overseas military bases, it may
be able to keep expanding its naval presence in or around Africa.
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| 14 |
ID:
103154
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| 15 |
ID:
109824
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| 16 |
ID:
097688
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Regrettably, Africa's waters now represent one of the world's most dangerous waterways
for vessels and their crew members in terms of pirate attacks. In the last few years the
Somali coast and the Gulf of Aden in the Horn of Africa have emerged as Africa's - and
by extension the world's - most dangerous waters. This article examines the dimension
that maritime piracy has assumed in the region, identifies the factors contributing to
the upsurge of piracy in the area, and gives an overview of the responses to the growing
piracy in the region. It concludes with suggestions on how to effectively and sustainably
combat the scourge of piracy.
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| 17 |
ID:
123462
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| 18 |
ID:
137256
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| Summary/Abstract |
From Iraq to the Gulf of Aden and the South Pacific, this paper evaluates how far theoretical ideas about smart power manifest in operational missions of the Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF). To function within a ‘smart’ power context, this paper suggests that JSDF operates in ‘assisting’ mode, rather than the ‘threatening’ behavior of ‘hard’ power. JSDF also deployed alongside other Japanese ‘soft’ power tools – diplomatic, cultural, developmental, and NGOs, using tailored programs for different cultural and geographical contexts. Given constitutional constraints and public sensitivity towards coercive force, JSDF missions could be integrated more into a ‘whole-of-government’ approach advancing foreign policy goals through ‘smart power’.
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