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| 1 |
ID:
124234
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 2010, four Parliamentary committees have criticized Britain's failure to promote its capacity for strategy making. Publicly, this failure is identified with the decisions of 2002-03, and especially with the invasion of Iraq. But the 1998 Strategic Defence Review was in trouble before the 9/11 attacks because it was underfunded. More culpable was Britain's failure to learn and adapt in 2006. The formation of the National Security Council by the 2010 coalition has yet to deliver.
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| 2 |
ID:
124734
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2013.
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This article revisits volume 1 of International Journal to illustrate the power of "critical remembrance" to deepen the discourse about and sharpen the debate over contemporary global issues and Canada's potential as a force for peace and progress. Setting the origins of the journal in historical context, the article considers the immediate postwar mood of its contributors and their myriad suggestions for Canada's appropriate role. The article concludes with a plea for "historical literacy" as an indispensable starting point for reimagining the world in which we live.
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| 3 |
ID:
087958
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| 4 |
ID:
124170
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2013.
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The central thesis of this article is that when faced with state collapse, rising violence, and a complex stabilisation effort, the US, UN, and NATO in Afghanistan and the US and Britain in Iraq, deployed the dominant, if not only, international approach available, Liberal Peacebuilding. The article traces the rise of Liberal Peacebuilding across the 1990s. It argues that four units of analysis within neoliberal ideology, the individual, the market, the role of the state and democracy, played a key role within Liberal Peacebuilding, allowing it to identify problems and propose solutions to stabilise post-conflict societies. It was these four units of analysis that were taken from the Liberal Peacebuilding approach and applied in Afghanistan and Iraq. The application of a universal template to two very different countries led directly to the fierce but weak states that exist today.
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| 5 |
ID:
124237
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2013.
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Much of the public debate surrounding US policies regarding Iran has been distorted by myths that obscure the actual status of Iranian nuclear programs. Similarly, discussions about the implications of a nuclear-armed Iran are often built on questionÂable assumptions requiring more thorough examination. This article dispels these myths, questions these assumptions, and draws imporÂtant implications for US policymakers in this critical strategic debate.
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| 6 |
ID:
124721
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2013.
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At the sprawling Bush market deep within Afghanistan's capital, the American war is for sale. The maze of some 500 interconnected stores, named for the US president who invaded in 2001, is a chaotic emporium brimming with goods carted in by truck to supply NATO troops. For more than one decade, thousand of vehicles have crossed the border with Pakistan each month, barring food and supplies that are in turn pilfered, repurposed with price tags and put on display under the baking sun: Pop-Tars, Maxwell house coffee canisters and squeeze bottles of maple syrups alongside military fatigues, body armor night vision goggles GPS devices and even some automatic rifles.
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| 7 |
ID:
124450
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2013.
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All members of the National Commission for Dialogue and Reconciliation, including its President and Vice-Presidents, officially took office in March and April. There was criticism in some quarters that the selection process for membership had not been transparent and that there had been inadequate inclusion of religious, community and traditional leaders.
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| 8 |
ID:
091833
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2009.
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Brug-yul or Druk-yul, the dragon country, nestled in the Eastern Himalayan marches, is a thinly populated, mountainous, Shangri-la of the only Lamaist Kingdom in the world.Till other day, it had an image of being an exotic, distant, isolated, autocratic and unique example of a traditional society, which stoutly refused to change.
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| 9 |
ID:
124268
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2013.
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This essay is the revised text of the Constantine Zurayk Memorial Lecture, delivered by the author at the Institute of Palestine Studies in Beirut, Lebanon on 25 April 2013. This essay considers the Palestinian future by complicating the realities of the status quo in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the role of the international community, and the realities of being a person in solidarity. The author posits moving beyond looking at the Palestinian future from the perspective of horizons of feasibility and need, which have been defined by non-Palestinians, to a horizon of desire and vision crafted by Palestinians that encourages a re-imagination of positive solutions.
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| 10 |
ID:
124441
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2013.
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The Sierra Leone civil war of 1991-2002 has widely been regarded as stemming from the desperate political and socio-economic conditions that affected the country's youth. Following the end to hostilities, there has been great concern to address youth grievances as a means of consolidating peace and stability. There have been frequent warnings in UN, NGO and academic reports of the dangers of limited progress in this regard, and it has been suggested that persistent pre-war conditions are undermining ex-combatants' investment in peace and increasing risks of a return to conflict. However, since 2002 Sierra Leone has experienced relatively low levels of violence. This article seeks to make sense of this seemingly propitious outcome. Informed by interviews conducted with ex-combatants between 2008-2012, it argues that risks of a return to arms have been exaggerated. Nevertheless, economic and political conditions continue to reconnect ex-combatants with violence in the context of 'peacetime.'
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