| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
130819
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
100498
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article represents the first attempt to examine the Chinese elite's threat perception of Japan using statistics to analyse what, if any, differences exist among the People's Liberation Army, the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Chinese economic institutes. It seeks to answer two questions that have not previously been addressed in the literature. First, has there been a change in perception of the Japanese threat in these three sectors over time? And if so, what can we deduce about the causes of this change? This study finds that there have indeed been two major shifts in China's threat perception of Japan since the 1980s, one in the late 1980s and the other in the mid-1990s. It also finds that there were no differences between sectors as to the direction and timing of these shifts. It suggests that Japan's military build-up in the late 1980s and the strengthening of the US-Japan alliance from 1996 onwards are what prompted these shifts in China's threat perception.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
130061
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
A strategic solution to the troubled waters of the Western Pacific is perimeter defense-but what kind? History offers options.
Want to give China an ulcer, a nagging sore that compels Beijing to think twice about aggression? Then look at the map. Geography affords the U.S.-Japan alliance abundant opportunities to make trouble for the People's Liberation Army (PLA), denying China's military access to the vast maneuver space of the Western Pacific while hampering its movements up and down the Asian seaboard. Fortifying the offshore island chain while deploying naval assets in adjoining waters could yield major strategic gains on the cheap. Doing so is common sense. The only question is how.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
096100
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The US - Japan alliance is undergoing a quiet crisis over the plan to relocate the US marine Corps Air Station at Futenma. While it is the Japanese side that is hesitating over the relocation, relations between the two countries are also affecting how this issue is being tackled and will impact the formal alliance in the long run
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
130624
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
110270
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The March 2011 triple disaster in Japan obligated a response from the US, its long-time ally. The US disaster assistance to Japan went beyond the customary nature of the countries' relationship, and was conspicuous for the scale of military involvement that was embedded in the US-Japan alliance. The success of the US asistance programme Operation Tomodachi is attributed to interoperability between the defence forces of the two allies. In so doing, the alliance which was originally meant for projecting hard power has assumed a new role which is in sync with the new meaning of 'security' as defined in the wake of the end of the Cold War. This new orientation makes it is necessary to revisit the theoretical understanding of military alliance. However, the success of Operation Tomodachi is likely to spur greater interoperability which in turn would enhance Japan's military modernisation.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
106762
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
144669
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
New Delhi, National Maritime Foundation, 2016.
|
| Description |
331p.pbk
|
| Standard Number |
9788193015957
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058645 | 359/SAK 058645 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
163370
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the domestic political dynamics behind US president Donald Trump’s “America First” approach to trade and foreign policy, to understand better how long this strain of American economic nationalism might last and what it means for Japan’s national security strategy. The political base for Trump’s trade protectionism and apparent indifference to allies has roots stretching back into American history, but this movement has strengthened in recent years due to a combination of growing economic inequality in the United States, demographic changes, and the impact of fast-paced technology development and economic globalization. These political trends are likely to persist beyond Trump’s presidency, although some potential negative effects on Japan and the US-Japan alliance in the medium-to-longer term can be mitigated by Japan’s proactive foreign policy and other steps. The alliance still offers a great deal of value to both countries—now and into the future—but Japan should consider a slightly larger global leadership role in concert with others, even as the allies work to enhance their continued cooperation on shared interests.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
138978
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Why has the military dimension of the US-Japan relationship remained the central point of reference for Japanese foreign relations, despite the demise of the Soviet Union? Why has Japan, deepening economic interdependence notwithstanding, remained politically distant from East Asia? Based on analysis of statements by Japanese and US political elites and academics regarding the US-Japan alliance, this article argues that the rise of China, coterminous with the rise of ‘Asia’, challenges the notion of the ‘West’ as, according to standards of industrial modernity, a superior social and political order. These moving ideational boundaries question Japan’s position as the most advanced Asian nation and member of the (Western) international society of states. Therefore, the US-Japan alliance has since the mid-1990s become increasingly important for securing Japan in the ‘West’ and the ‘West’s boundaries in East Asia.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
104989
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2011.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Notwithstanding current disarray, the post-cold war US-Japan alliance has enjoyed its most cohesive status in its history. Japan altered its passive cold war alliance policy and became a more active and equal partner with the United States. Even though there exist many explanations of what has caused this cohesiveness, there is hardly any attempt to substantiate the level of alliance cohesion itself. The purpose of this essay is to demonstrate the cohesion of this alliance by employing concrete operational indicators: homogeneity in goals, threat perception, strategic compatibility and command structure. By investigating how these operational indicators have changed over time, the author proves substantially that the post-cold war US-Japan alliance has developed more cohesively.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
088391
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Japan's reemergence as a "normal" military power has been accelerated by the "super-sizing" of North Korea: a product of the North's extant military threat, multiplied exponentially by its undermining of U.S.-Japan alliance solidarity, views of the North as a domestic "peril," and the North's utilization as a catch-all proxy for remilitarization.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
122245
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
On becoming Japan's prime minister for the second time, Shinzo Abe has set himself the task of reviving Japan as a regional power, by repairing years of economic and political stagnation. However, his foreign-policy intentions vis-à-vis China, Japan's largest neighbour, are not yet clear. John Hemmings and Maiko Kuroki argue that Abe's first premiership in 2006-07 provides clues which suggest that he will seek rapprochement with China, while simultaneously developing strong regional ties and fortifying the US-Japan alliance.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
130630
|
|
|