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| 1 |
ID:
086662
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Americans allegedly have an aversion to battle-related military casualties. Their estimates of military deaths may have influenced support for past U.S. military efforts. But what affects accurate estimates of military deaths in wartime? We review the accuracy of estimates for Iraq and three twentieth-century conflicts, finding that the public's estimates were more likely to be on target for Iraq. Then using five polls from the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, we estimate logistic regression equations in which knowledge of military deaths is regressed on variables typically employed when scholars seek to understand the factors that affect what people know about public affairs. Gender and age always emerge as significant predictors. Education and attention to the news usually matter as well. We also show that estimates of military deaths in Iraq have palpable consequences for opinions about U.S. policies there.
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| 2 |
ID:
086660
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using data from the Citizenship & Service: 2004 Survey of Army Personnel, a probability sample of active duty soldiers and officers, this study examines key questions concerning success in the military for racial and ethnic minorities. It focuses on the degree to which Hispanics are integrated into the Army and compares the experiences of Hispanics to the experiences of whites and blacks. After assessing why Hispanics join the Army and choose their occupational specialties, the study looks at how Hispanics perceive Army life, their personal experiences with discrimination, and the progress of the Army in the area of racial and ethnic integration. By comparing the attitudes of Hispanics to those of whites and blacks, it explores the degree to which race and ethnicity influence life in the Army and the implication of this for the military's future.
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| 3 |
ID:
086661
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study examines how defense institutions and personnel are formally organized in Latin America. In a region long plagued by praetorian armies, it is especially important that organizational designs ensure that civilians maintain institutional control over armed forces. For this to occur, it is argued that those designs must incorporate certain principles: (a) enhance the civilian presence in key defense institutions, (b) empower defense ministries, (c) lower the military's vertical authority along the chain of command, and (d) unify civilian power while dividing military power. Based on an examination of legal documents and other data for sixteen Latin American democracies, findings show three general organizational patterns: an ideal-typical defense structure that achieves all four objectives, a second best defense structure that still leaves too much military power unified, and a dual command structure that is least desirable for weakening the defense ministry while coalescing military might high up the ladder of influence.
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| 4 |
ID:
086657
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
William Lind has argued that the U.S. military is improperly configured and trained to fight "fourth-generation" wars, that is, ones in which one of the participants is a nonstate actor and where the strategy, tactics, and battlefield are unconventional. This position has slowly gained acceptance among U.S. Army and Marine commanders, who have struggled to adapt to fourth-generation realities on the ground in Iraq. Drawing on oral-history and focus-group interviews, the authors explore how two units from Ft. Carson, Colorado, have experienced and adjusted to these contingencies. They offer the SAPRR Model as an illustration of their cognitive approach and a plausible combat script for rapid but considered decision making.
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| 5 |
ID:
086658
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Numerous studies have examined how armed forces have adapted their organizational and force structures to become more cost-effective, flexible, and deployable. However, comparatively few studies have looked at how these systemic influences affect attitudes toward military employment. With reference to findings of a survey conducted among middle-ranking officers in the United Kingdom, Canada, South Africa, and Germany, the attitudes of officers toward their current employment is examined within a comparative context, by referring to the impact of organizational restructuring on their careers and on commitment to military service; issues relating to pay, service, and work conditions; trust in military leadership's ability to defend their interests; and the perceived need for some form of independent representation. The study concludes that the present discontent within the ranks is creating a kind of professional or institutional disunity, which may necessitate a revision of how employee relations are managed within armed forces.
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| 6 |
ID:
086656
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article summarizes results from a child care survey of military families conducted by the RAND Corporation in 2004 and draws policy implications for the military child care system. The article describes the military child care system, discusses the policy objectives of the system, and summarizes survey results that clarify the degree to which the Department of Defense is meeting its child care goals. The authors find evidence that despite its high quality, the military child care system fails to optimize readiness and retention of military members because these goals do not drive system policies or operations. The article offers suggestions for improving system outcomes.
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| 7 |
ID:
086659
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the UN promulgation of the concept of human security in the early 1990s, one of the countries most enthusiastic about the new paradigm has been South Africa. That country has endeavored to reflect human security values in virtually all state activities. This article examines how South Africa has applied the concept to its armed forces. It argues that the military "operationalization" is evident in two key respects: first, in the country's support for Africa's emerging security architecture; and second, in an increasing willingness to commit military forces to external peace operations. However, this application has largely occurred at the national strategic level. It was much less clear in 2007 that any human security ethos was forming within the South African armed forces themselves.
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| 8 |
ID:
086655
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article reviews both the developments of and problems within Russian-South Korean arms trade cooperation. From a nontraditional and economic security perspective, this article argues that Russia's interest in selling weapons to South Korea has been primarily motivated by economic concerns and that this trade has also secured the economic interests of both countries. By being a new consumer of Russian arms, South Korea can help to alleviate both the serious depression that occurred in Moscow's defense industry after the collapse of the Soviet Union and-Moscow's more immediate concern-Russia's debt to South Korea. In addition, the arms trade with Russia has enabled South Korea to purchase new weapons and space high technologies at very competitive prices. There nevertheless remain a number of obstacles in the Russian-Korean arms trade.
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