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| 1 |
ID:
089022
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although recommendations for gender mainstreaming and the prevention of sexual exploitation and abuse in United Nations peace support operations have increased in recent years, a comparative analysis of different approaches towards these policy objectives remains wanting. As a result, the effectiveness of the UN guidelines for gender mainstreaming as expressed in Security Council Resolution 1325 has not yet been evaluated and debated academically. By comparing UN missions in Sierra Leone and Liberia, this article provides a summary of the current literature on UN policies on gender mainstreaming and sexual misconduct. Relying on interviews with mission staff, the article argues that although the effects of 1325 look promising, efforts to integrate gender perspectives and prevent sexual exploitation still suffer from staff, funding and enforcement deficiencies. More importantly, it reveals how urgently further field research and an active scholarly debate on UN policies on gender awareness and sexual misconduct are needed.
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| 2 |
ID:
133939
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In March 2008 the United Nations General assembly adopted Resolution 62/214, which promulgated the 'Comprehensive Strategy on Assistance and Support to Victims of Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by United Nations Staff and Related Personnel'. Although reports on widespread sexual exploitation and sexual abuse emerged in the early 1990s, until 2008 there was no strategy specifically developed to assist women sexually exploited or abused by, and children fathered by, UN peacekeepers. In this sense, the Comprehensive Strategy is groundbreaking. However, we argue that UN policy fails to distinguish adequately between sexually exploitative and consensual relationships, which can create confusion for personnel as to what sexual conduct is permitted and what is prohibited. This paper will provide a critical analysis of the Comprehensive Strategy, examining its potential and obstacles to its implementation, with specific regard to children born to peacekeeping personnel engaged in consensual relationships with local women. This examination will be conducted within the context of the case study of Marko Šušnja, born to a Bosnian peacekeeper father and East Timorese mother.
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| 3 |
ID:
095237
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article reconceptualizes the idea of the impartiality of UN peacekeeping in light of allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse by peacekeeping personnel. It considers the role that sexual exploitation and abuse play both during and after conflict. The paper argues that sexual exploitation and abuse are political acts that bring about financial and propagandist benefits for the warring parties. It then tracks the history of neutrality in UN peacekeeping - originally defined as objective inaction against the warring parties - and its development into impartiality - now identified as unbiased interference, but with greater reference to core universal values such as fairness and justice. Peacekeepers' involvement in sexual exploitation and abuse is of political advantage to the parties and therefore breaches the principle of impartiality.
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| 4 |
ID:
185859
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Transitional justice has addressed only conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) while excluding sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA). This exclusion persists despite both SEA and CRSV occurring during armed conflict, taking the same forms, impacting congruent victim populations, and falling within the Women, Peace and Security framework. SEA is perpetrated by international intervenors such as peacekeepers and aid workers. Excluding SEA denies victims a critical pathway to accountability and undermines prevention efforts for all forms of sexual violence. Using the original Gender Violence in Truth Commissions database, this article examines why SEA is excluded from transitional justice. To date, only two transitional justice mechanisms—the Sierra Leonian and Liberian truth commissions—have addressed SEA by intervenors. Analysis of these two exceptional cases reveals barriers to inclusion of SEA within transitional justice, including intervenor-involvement in transitional justice mechanisms, issues with SEA reporting and data, and dependency on media coverage and public outcry. The article concludes with policy recommendations for addressing SEA and CRSV as separate but related violations through transitional justice mechanisms, including truth commissions and reparations programmes.
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| 5 |
ID:
095235
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The UN's commitment to zero tolerance for sexual exploitation and abuse, which has been strengthened ever since the Secretary-General's 2003 'Bulletin', must be understood against the general public's non-tolerance of sexual misconduct by peacekeepers. While the UN has devoted its energy to restoring the public's confidence, the implementation of the policy cannot be effective, due to the limits of the UN's command authority, without the adoption of the same policy in contingent-contributing countries, who assume even greater roles under the revised model memorandum of understanding in 2007. Furthermore, not all victims approve the UN's zero tolerance pledge, out of fear that they may lose their only recourse to making a living. While it will likely take time to alleviate existing obstacles to align all the actors involved, the general public may not be tolerant enough to allow a further moratorium.
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