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| 1 |
ID:
131737
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| 2 |
ID:
094652
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| 3 |
ID:
091855
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
For Mohammad Imran of Kani Garaan in South Waziristan the army's attitude towards the residents of his tribal agency has totally changed since it first launched an operation there. During the 2004 operation, the army's attitude towards local people was very friendly but harshness has replaced friendliness in the current operation.
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| 4 |
ID:
104407
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| 5 |
ID:
111769
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| 6 |
ID:
132447
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| 7 |
ID:
089099
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The two-month old military campaign against the militants in the NWFP has now expanded to newer and more dangerous places, such as South Waziristan.
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| 8 |
ID:
091854
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
When Saeed Anwar and 17 members of his family reached Dera Ismail Khan from South Waziristan on Jun 21, no government officials or international aid agencies showed up to receive them.
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| 9 |
ID:
091562
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While military forces are still deliberating when to announce a formal operation in North and South Waziristan, about 5,000 army personnel have already been deployed in the two agencies. Life seems to have become a living hell for the residents of North Waziristan due to the military's presence there.
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| 10 |
ID:
104501
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| 11 |
ID:
091856
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Terror returned to the streets of Pakistan in the days leading up to the latest army operation in south Waziristan. Within a span of 11 days from October 5 to 15, nine deadly attacks in Punjab and the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) killed about 150 people.
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| 12 |
ID:
089745
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Pakistan military has undertaken its largest ever offensive in the North West Frontier Province to defeat Taliban militants. This article examines how successful this strategy will be in the long term, and assesses the prospects for further operation in South Waziristan.
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| 13 |
ID:
118457
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| 14 |
ID:
190794
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study explores the post-9/11 ramifications of the Global War on Terror (GWOT) in South Waziristan, Pakistan. It discusses how the post-colonial state has undermined state and tribal political relations which constituted political order first during the British colonial era and later in Pakistan. Furthermore, it explores how the post-colonial state has shared de facto sovereignty in the region with a “good” Taliban in the shape of a peace committee. To understand the Pakistan post-colonial state’s engagement with South Waziristan, it is necessary to make sense of the ongoing GWOT and the resulting necropolitics of life and death in South Waziristan. The paper explores how residents have confronted different scenarios when they encounter the new powerholders. It details the everyday experiences, life stories, and socio-political existence of the people of South Waziristan as an alternative narrative to how mainstream media and academic sources have discussed this area.
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| 15 |
ID:
164738
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| Summary/Abstract |
Inscribing names into the firmament of symbolic orders is crucial argues Rancière who traces the symbolic distribution of bodies into those that ‘one sees’ and those that ‘one does not see’. The issue of accounted visibility-cum-audibility does not only lie within the specific conflict configuration but also within the geopolitical dynamics of the ‘border’ as well as ‘body-borders’ within individuals and communities concerned. One such case can be found at the borderlands of Pakistan with Afghanistan, of the trans-local post-9/11 ‘Wars on Terror’ as well as at the borderlands of Pakistan itself, subjected to invisibility and rumbling noises of conflict and displacement through hegemonic centring of discourses and exclusionary, violent practices of the ‘Wars on Terror’. This article is a collaborative work on experiences of conflict-induced displacement, political violence and narratives of everyday life negotiations thereof, based on field research and interviews (individual as well as group ones) conducted in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and around the capital of Islamabad with those internally displaced from North Waziristan, South Waziristan and Kurram Agencies. The aim is to juxtapose vociferous and deliberate hegemonic practices of invisibility and de-solidarisation in public discourses and counter-insurgency interventions vis-a-vis certain marginalised communities and citizens with the latter’s own narratives about their experiences and understandings of state-society relations, relevant stakeholders,
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