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| 1 |
ID:
025042
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| Publication |
DelhI, Oxford University Press, 1988.
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| Description |
xii, 358p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
195622057
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 029477 | 923.254/DOU 029477 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
117196
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper traces the emergence of folklore studies and ethnography in interwar Iran. It argues that these disciplines were part of larger nationalist projects of representing and speaking for the "masses." The first part of the paper explores how and why a number of Iranian intellectuals engaged in folklore studies after a period of prolonged political activism in the first few decades of the 20th century. The second part of the paper examines cultural institutions established by the state, mainly in the late 1930s, in an attempt to appropriate and institutionalize folklore studies and ethnography for the purposes of nation building. These efforts were fraught with ambivalences because the "masses" were simultaneously praised as repositories of "authenticity" and looked down upon as a potential source of "backwardness."
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| 3 |
ID:
105904
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines the role of politico-religious leaders of smaller sectarian and sub-sectarian Muslim sects in the broader politics of Muslim community consciousness in colonial South Asia. The case of Aga Khan III, the Imam of the Shiite sub-sect of the Khojas, provides our example. This complex process, whereby the Khoja sub-sect increasingly came to identify with the broader Muslim community in colonial South Asia-albeit preserving certain sub-sectarian particularities-is examined with reference to the paradigmatic model of 'path dependence'. The balance that Aga Khan III struck between the socio-religious and political worlds-hinging upon his dual role as a spiritual and a political leader-is deconstructed with the qualified employment of the analytical tool of 'strategic syncretism'. The paper shows how specific socio-religious sub-sectarian traits were effectively retained at the same time as an overarching political consensus forged links between different Muslim sectarian traditions.
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| 4 |
ID:
133997
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Civil society in contemporary China presents a perplexing paradox. Despite the brutal suppression of the 1989 Tiananmen uprising, social contention and associational activism swelled over the ensuing years. One might have expected the ruthless June Fourth repression of the massive student movement to have deterred subsequent dissent, but in fact the frequency of protest has steadily escalated in the past 25 years. Moreover, China today is host to countless grassroots (as well as government-sponsored) nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), foundations, and charities-not to mention a vibrant sphere of online public debate. In contrast to 1989, a nascent civil society can now be said to exist.
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| 5 |
ID:
102165
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| 6 |
ID:
131950
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In a novel approach to studying political mobilization among ethnic Tibetans in China, this article addresses two key questions. First, considering the Chinese state's repressive policies towards Tibetan Buddhism, what role does religion play in fomenting Tibetan political resistance? Second, what implications can be drawn from the changing ethnic demography in Tibet about the conflict behaviour of Tibetans? Using various GIS-referenced data, this article specifically examines the 2008 Tibetan protest movements in China. The main results of our analysis indicate that the spread and frequency of protests in ethnic Tibetan areas are significantly associated with the number of officially registered Tibetan Buddhist sites, as well as the historical dominance of particular types of Tibetan religious sects. Furthermore, our analysis shows that the effect of Han Chinese settlement on Tibetan political activism is more controversial than previously though
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| 7 |
ID:
144446
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study analyzes the effects of political violence on electoral behavior by focusing on one of the longest lasting ethnic conflicts in contemporary times, the Kurdish insurgency in Turkey. How do armed conflict and electoral institutions shape turnout in a civil war context? Building on an original data-set at the sub-national level, the study reaches two major conclusions. First, it shows rural displacement caused by political violence led to lower levels of turnout and severely hampered access to voting controlling for a wide range of socioeconomic and electoral system variables. Second, an unusually high electoral threshold aggravated this pattern of disenfranchisement and limited the avenues of nonviolent Kurdish political activism with negative implications for the resolution of the conflict.
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| 8 |
ID:
129485
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2013.
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This article examines the centrality of political activism in the identity of Iranian refugees and investigates how they perform and incorporate it by considering the interlocked pressure of international politics, personal networks, and the assistance provided by civil society organizations. The case of Iranian political refugees in Italy and Turkey is of particular interest because of the international visibility of the Green movement, the Iranian people's historical experience of emigration, and the fact that Iran is a subject of great interest for a number of human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). It shows how the process of "being a refugee" works not only through classical forms of institutional pressure but also through "unexpected" forms such as NGO efforts to empower refugees politically. Despite the positive value attached to it, in this context political activism can force refugees into preestablished roles, such as "human rights defenders" or "Green movement activists." Paradoxically, refugees act within a context that dominates them even when it tries to empower them.
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| 9 |
ID:
119274
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2013.
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Data from a cross-sectional survey of 176 Lebanese Shiis living in Metropolitan Beirut have been used to investigate the relationship between social and religious variables and attitudes toward Lebanon's "Party of God" (Hezbollah). The results indicate that Islamic religiosity, political discontent, and access to social welfare are positively associated with endorsement of the party. The implications of these findings for the party's future in light of recent political developments are discussed.
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| 10 |
ID:
126992
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2013.
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This paper argues for the importance of attending to both affective and emotional experience in analysing the origins and effects of border and immigration efforts in the US/Mexico border region. We do so by engaging with theoretical understands of the politics of affect and emotion among cultural and feminist geographers and social scientists. We then examine Arizona's SB 1070 and its connection to a larger history of border and immigration enforcement in Arizona. Drawing from ethnographic work, interviews, and media and policy analysis, we engage with narratives provided by border area ranchers to unpack how these ranchers' encounters with unauthorised migrants have changed over time. We then examine how the everyday fear and anxiety associated with these encounters drive political activism and state intervention in the region. We conclude by discussing how this intervention, in turn, reproduces racial and gender hierarchies, hierarchies that are themselves affectively mediated.
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| 11 |
ID:
124960
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the standard tradition of both Albanian studies and Western scholarship, including either any interested religious and political activism or less 'interested' lay people, endeavours of historical and textual fact-finding have been relevant only to re-confirm and indeed perpetuate the very meaning of a myth, according to which the thinking of Naim Frashëri was formed and dominated by Bektashism and his 'Albanianism' had a Bektashi foundation. In an earlier paper this myth was shown to be unreliable by arguing that Frashëri's religious thinking was shaped by religious dualism. This paper argues further that Naim Frashëri went far beyond Bektashism in his heterodoxy, not only in a kind of liberation theology, but also by embracing a comprehensive pantheism which generated an active and all-inclusive attitude to Albanian identity, not necessarily limited in any special way to Bektashism. Methodologically, such a new picture must arise if the analysis of the historical and literary contextualization of Frashëri's major works is submitted to the perspective of social theoretical approaches to religion developed in sociology and anthropology.
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| 12 |
ID:
102729
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The essay looks at three spheres in which ideological bias and political activism work to delegitimize the State of Israel by maligning Israel and Zionism in mainstream British public discourse. Postcolonial theory is one weight against any objective treatment of the Jewish state. The demonization of Israel in the press draws on conspiracy theories and stereotypes familiar from anti-Semitic tropes. British Jews are fairly supportive of Israel, though divided on solutions to the Arab-Israel conflict, however a small group of anti-Zionist Jews assert their moral stance "as Jews" by defaming Israel's allegedly criminal activities. The analysis of public discourse in Britain in the first decade of the twenty-first century raises disturbing questions about the complex relationship between the anti-Israel campaign and latent anti-Semitism on the left and the right, and draws attention to the local context of race relations as well as the global Jihad against Israel and the West.
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| 13 |
ID:
132470
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Youth movements in the Gulf have been effective but ephemeral, sometimes manipulated by established groups or succumbing to social divisions.
In October 2012, thousands of citizens took to the streets of Kuwait City to protest an emergency decree by the emir that amended the country's electoral law in such a way as to undermine the position of the opposition within parliament. The demonstrations were unprecedented both in size and political rhetoric. An estimated 50,000 people addressed the ruler with slogans such as 'we will not let you'. Security forces used tear gas and stun grenades to break up the gatherings. Youth groups formed the backbone of the movement's leadership (at least initially) and supplied much of its rank and file. However, within months, this vibrant and defiant campaign had largely dissipated. Having failed to attain its goals, it was unable to maintain a permanent political presence. Throughout the Gulf region, other youth-led movements have suffered a similar fate. Once groups achieve their original goals or lose their initial momentum due to government resistance, they soon break down, often disappearing altogether from the political scene.
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| 14 |
ID:
128143
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Dynamics of Indian Diaspora in East Africa has been continuous point of attraction for researchers, academicians, policy makers and even general audience. Even a cursory glance reveals that dozens of research has been carried out by scholars and numerous literatures are available on the subject. However, there have been significant changes in the focus of the research. In the colonial period, political activism of Indians in East Africa was a major point contention between colonial power and nationalist leaders which is clearly visible in the writings of CF Andrews (Indian question in East Africa, 1921).
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| 15 |
ID:
101760
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The growing visibility of indigenous political organizations and activism in Latin America has a variety of claims and methods to interrelate with the state and organized civil society. These claims are framed within the logic of development and state construction; thus, these political projects fueled by ethnic actors do not have a secessionist outlook. This article addresses the different types of ethnic conflict current in Latin America. It also discusses the practical experience of implementing rights of autonomy. By highlighting the frequent types of ethnic conflict and their prevalence, the author looks forward to proposing a comparative model to explain the different routes taken by the construction of an inclusive, plurinational state led by ethnic actors. The article derives its analysis from the data bank of indigenous organizations, ORGINDAL.
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| 16 |
ID:
107442
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article aims at unifying the theory of spatial voting and the theory that is
variously called conceptualization, information, or sophistication. Following
Downs's early insights on uncertainty as well as recent developments in both
literatures, I argue that it is of critical importance that spatial voting models
explicitly incorporate information effects. For this purpose, I develop a
heteroskedastic probit model that allows for the specification of information
heterogeneity. This model is applied to the Taiwan Election and Democratization
Study's 2004 post-presidential election survey data. In 2004, Taiwan's political
landscape was dominantly defined by the Green vs. Blue ideological cleavage,
and the candidates were perceived as taking divergent positions. This article
investigates the effects of information and activism on the spatial structure and
their implications on candidates' strategies. My findings confirm the existence
of these effects on voter uncertainty in the framework of spatial analysis.
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| 17 |
ID:
127345
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study examines the emergence of information and communications technology (ICT) in facilitating political protest in the Middle East, with a focus on the Iranian experience. With the rise of 'emancipating technology' to mobilise popular support, many had hoped that the incumbent regime in Iran would be steered towards a more democratic and less authoritarian path. At the same time, the Iranian regime itself has shown an increasingly sophisticated technical nous, constructing a centralised censorship network and using available technology to proliferate propaganda and control and subdue cyber-protest. As such, ICT has acted as a complex dual-edged sword in both mutually supporting and suppressing political activism in modern-day Iran.
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| 18 |
ID:
122164
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Basij militia is a central component of Iran's clerical regime and a supporter of hard-line conservative interests. It is a security organization that also engages in social and political activism. This study focuses on the group's rank-and-file members and looks at the organization's mechanisms for recruitment, participation, and training. Based in part on interviews with current and former Basij members, the article concludes with general observations about the organization and its internal practices.
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| 19 |
ID:
147241
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This article examines the role that democratic organizations play in fostering political activism in America. Activists make democracy work by attending meetings, engaging others, trying to make their voice heard, and participating in myriad other ways. Yet, we still need a deeper understanding of what role organizations play in cultivating that activism. The article presents data from three field experiments showing that creating a relational organizational context makes targets more likely to sign petitions, recruit others, and attend meetings. The article argues that civic organizations can have a powerful impact on activism. In doing so, it introduces a new set of variables related to organizational context to consider in understanding the sources of participation. The article thus extends a burgeoning body of experimental research on the social bases of voter turnout by examining not only voting but other forms of activism that are increasingly common modes of citizen involvement in the twenty-first century.
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| 20 |
ID:
151662
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This research aims to understand the extent to which generation and social class determine Turkish respondents’ level of political activism. It tests both the macroeconomic socialization effect and the social class effect on political activism as hypothesized by Inglehart and Lipset, respectively. It also strives to understand whether a macropolitical period effect may also some generational implications for political activism. Beyond these examinations, it also raises a challenge to Lipset’s working-class authoritarianism thesis – within the particular area of political activism – for those generations which came of age under an authoritarian politico-juridical order as well as for those which did not.
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