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| 1 |
ID:
159888
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| Summary/Abstract |
We describe a novel hybrid method of content analysis that combines the speed of computerized text analysis with the contextual sensitivity of human raters, and apply it to speeches that were given by major leaders of Al-Qaeda (AQ)—both in its “core” Afghanistan/Pakistan region and its affiliate group in Iraq. The proposed “Ideology Extraction using Linguistic Extremization” (IELEX) categorization method has acceptable levels of inter-rater and test-retest reliabilities. The method uncovered subtle (and potentially non-conscious) differences in the emphases that Usama Bin Laden and Ayman Al-Zawahiri put on the various components of their ideological justification for terrorism. We show how these differences were independently recognized as the crux of the rift in AQ, based on documents that were confiscated in Abbottabad following Usama Bin Laden’s assassination. Additionally, several of the ideological discrepancies that we detected between AQ “core” and its Iraqi affiliate correspond to schisms that presumably led to the splintering of AQ Iraq and the rise of ISIS. We discuss IELEX’s capability to quantify a variety of grievance-based terrorist ideologies, along with its use towards more focused and efficient counter-terrorism and counter-messaging policies.
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| 2 |
ID:
172178
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| Summary/Abstract |
Why do some political radicals—people who believe in using violence for political ends and who may sympathize with local violent groups—not themselves perform violent acts or join violent organizations? This article finds that prior research on terrorism, insurgency, civil war, and ethnic conflict seems to do a poor job of predicting who upon adopting radical political views will actually engage in violence. In fact, there is a great deal of contingency involved in the choice of whether or not to become violent. Employing path dependence, the article treats the radicalizing moment as a “critical juncture,” filled with contingency, but after which actions become more predictable: during this small window of time, radicalized individuals might happen to choose a profession and/or join an organization that is nonviolent, but subsequently become institutionalized as nonviolent actors. The article therefore offers an explanation for how individuals with radical beliefs can be institutionalized as either violent or nonviolent. The study’s findings are based on a content analysis of interviews with 129 nonviolent activists, most of whom exhibited radical beliefs at the time of the interview, and former violent actors, in 12 countries experiencing violent internal conflict.
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| 3 |
ID:
193201
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this study, we present a contextual model for analyzing the escalatory and de-escalatory trends in media reporting of seven conflicts in Pakistan. For this purpose, we combined findings from both survey and content analysis. While the survey helped to examine the journalists’ perceptions about the security threats of conflicts and the factors that influence the reportage, the content analysis was utilized to analyze the escalatory and de-escalatory characteristics in the coverage. The findings show that high security conflicts lead to a patriotic reporting scenario that results in high escalatory coverage. There is a significant decrease in the escalatory coverage as the assumed threat level of a conflict decreases. Similarly, we found that a conflict in which journalists exercised more relative freedom from pressure groups was reported in de-escalatory fashion. These findings can be useful for strategizing for the implementation of peace journalism in Pakistan in particular and elsewhere in general.
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| 4 |
ID:
178675
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| Summary/Abstract |
A wealth of literature argues that domestic institutions can sometimes restrain government repression. In this article, we highlight an institution tasked specifically with protecting and promoting human rights: the National Human Rights Institution (NHRI). Although common international standards exist, NHRIs exhibit substantial variation in their organization, the rights that they protect, the activities they permit, and the manner in which they appoint their members. Scholarship to date has conceptualized and measured NHRIs dichotomously; an NHRI either exists or it does not. We present data that highlights NHRI heterogeneity collected via content analysis of NHRI annual reports, NHRI websites, national constitutions, government legislation, and other sources. Using these data, we show NHRIs that can publish their findings and NHRIs that can punish offenders are each associated with less state torture. These data will allow future researchers to better explore important questions regarding NHRI origins, design, processes, and effectiveness.
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| 5 |
ID:
090251
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Letters to the editor are an important but poorly understood form of voluntary political participation. To learn more about the content of letters to the editor and the characteristics of the people who write them we conducted a content analysis of 1,415 randomly selected printed letters from eight newspapers from 2002 to 2005. We also matched the letter writers from our sample to demographic and political information contained in a state voterfile.
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| 6 |
ID:
163914
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| Summary/Abstract |
The weakness of the antigun lobby in the United States is attributed to the “collective action problem” of trying to mobilize “free riders” behind a public purpose. But the Coalition for Gun Control emerged in Canada to successfully lobby for the Firearms Act of 1995. If the “collective action problem” is not limited to the United States, then are its effects “mediated” by political culture? To address this research question, we content analyze (1) media coverage, (2) party platforms, (3) presidential, and (4) ministerial rhetoric. Three frames represent “restrictive” gun policies that ban or regulate firearms, “punitive” gun policies that penalize the person for the unlawful use of firearms, or “lenient” gun policies that encourage gun ownership and gun rights. Marked differences in framing the gun debate help explain why an antigun coalition emerged in Canada but not the United States.
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| 7 |
ID:
157770
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study investigates what factors affect Republic of Korea (South Korea)–United States (ROK–US) relations based on a theoretical framework, using event data created by content analysis from 1990 to 2011. South Korea’s economic development led to democratization, which resulted in elite changes. New progressive elites interpreted national interests differently and demanded changes in ROK–US relations. Accordingly, the ROK–US relationship was tense during the progressive administrations. ROK’s economic development attracted more trade with the US, which enhanced the bilateral relationship due to heightened interdependence. By contrast, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea)–US relationship and the trade between ROK and China did not significantly affect ROK– relations, meaning ROK’s relationship with other countries does not affect ROK–US relations.
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| 8 |
ID:
140224
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| Summary/Abstract |
Textbooks are the most important pedagogical tools in higher education and they should convey sufficient and accurate information on minority groups and women in the United States. Yet textbooks tend to marginalize these groups in their depictions. This article examines the coverage of Asian Pacific Americans in twenty-eight American Government or Politics textbooks. Asian Pacific Americans have faced a unique history of exclusion, discrimination, and stereotyping. The content analysis of the textbooks reveals that textbooks do not fully cover their history and contributions to US politics, either measured by page numbers or by historical events and figures important to Asian Pacific Americans. To rectify this lack of coverage, this article concludes with five constructive recommendations, including an option to invite scholars on Asian Pacific American politics to serve as textbook reviewers and textbook coauthors.
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| 9 |
ID:
178786
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| Summary/Abstract |
‘The age of sustainable development’ has been characterized by an on-going debate over how to define development and which alternative energy resources to rely upon. It is high time to rethink the news media's role in this debate due to transformations in journalism, particularly the role of the media in harnessing the sustainable energy transition. Accordingly, this paper examines the role of the news media in environmental debates over Turkey's nuclear program within the country's polarized media system. Adopting a content analysis method, the paper illuminates how selected media outlets (three mainstream and one online alternative) have framed and disseminated debates over Turkey's nuclear program. The findings reveal that the media system matters in public debates on energy, but also that the alternative media have the potential to contribute to societal debates on issues – even within a polarized media setting – by voicing unspoken ideas.
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| 10 |
ID:
130548
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Purpose-This cross-national study examines differences in news coverage of North Korea's first 2006 nuclear test in newspapers from the countries involved in the six-party talks with North Korea.
Design/methodology/approach-This population study is based on a quantitative content analysis of 564 newspaper articles from the highest-circulation native-language daily newspapers in countries involved in the six-party talks: the United States, China, South Korea, Japan, and Russia.
Findings-The framing analysis provides the significant differences of the news coverage: the U.S. newspaper demonstrated the strongest war journalism framing, the Chinese newspaper the unanimous peace journalism framing, the Japanese and Russian newspapers strong peace journalism framings, and the South Korean newspaper the strongest neutral framing.
Practical implications-This study found that the highest circulated newspapers of the countries involved in the six-party talks used different frames covering North Korea's first nuclear weapons test.
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| 11 |
ID:
146226
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| Summary/Abstract |
The United States has conducted armed drone strikes in Pakistan since 2004. While there has been some recent work on Pakistani public opinion about drones, there is very little research on how Pakistan’s media characterize the US drone program. This is an important gap in understanding the determinants of Pakistani popular perceptions of this program. Decades of research has shown that “news framing”, a process by which certain aspects of a complex concept are emphasized in political communications with others played down, influences individual cognition while forming political opinions. In this essay, we address this lacuna by assembling an unprecedented sample of editorials about the drone program from three English newspapers and one Urdu newspaper and analyzing the news frames within them. We next compare the trends in these news frames to public opinion data collected by Pew between the spring of 2009 and 2014. Initially, most Pakistanis were unaware of the drone program, media coverage of the program expanded as drone strikes increased in frequency. While Pakistanis became more cognizant of the US drone strikes, even by 2014 large minorities remained unaware. Pakistani public opinion strongly reflected the top media frames, particularly those that are negative. This is an important finding suggesting that newspaper editorials are a good barometer of Pakistani opinions despite the fact that only information elites rely upon newspapers for political information.
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| 12 |
ID:
158163
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article explores Israeli radio stations’ activity on Facebook and analyses the most popular content in terms of various engagement indexes. It finds that the format of a post, its language and content, all affect the level and nature of user engagement with the post. Moreover, it appears that both stations and users turn to Facebook primarily for promotional and PR purposes and less so for promoting mutual interaction and dialogue between stations and their audiences, thus complementing the traditional medium without utilising the full range of opportunities this new platform has to offer radio.
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| 13 |
ID:
157107
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| Summary/Abstract |
Content analysis has once again come to the forefront of discussions regarding methods in International Relations (IR). The first wave of content analysis in IR lasted from the 1940s to the 1960s and was marked by a commitment to quantitative and manual analyses. The second wave of content analysis appeared at the start of the third millennium and continues to pervade the discipline. As with the first wave, it proceeds in a predominantly quantitative manner but emphasizes computer-assisted analysis rather than manual analysis. Critics and advocates of the method alike have, highlighted numerous shortcomings with these approaches. In order to address these limitations, the present investigation argues for a fully integrated content analysis that has the potential to ameliorate the identified weaknesses that have hitherto plagued the method. It accomplishes this task by combining all facets of the method: quantitative, qualitative, manual, and computer-assisted content analyses within a single research project.
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| 14 |
ID:
176802
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| Summary/Abstract |
An expanding body of research is defining drivers, benefits, and challenges of adopting ISO 50001 energy management systems. The Clean Energy Ministerial's Energy Management Leadership Awards program requires ISO 50001-certified organizations to develop case studies of their implementation experience. 72 recent case studies spanning multiple economic sectors provide a unique global look at implementation from certified organizations' perspectives. This dataset was investigated through content analysis of phrases related to motivations and goals, the role of management and the organization, benefits achieved, keys to success, and challenges. This paper presents findings from this quantitative analysis of “codes” assigned to phrases that capture their meaning. While organizations adopted ISO 50001 for different motives and saw myriad benefits beyond energy savings and associated greenhouse gas emissions reductions, commonalities exist. The most frequently identified drivers are existing values and goals, environmental sustainability, and government incentives or regulations. Findings also include: obtaining and sustaining top management support is critical; top benefits mentioned are cost savings, productivity, and operational improvements; and the primary barrier is lacking a culture of energy management. Policymakers and others looking to accelerate ISO 50001 uptake can use these findings to highlight benefits and incentives that will resonate with corporate decisionmakers worldwide.
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| 15 |
ID:
190216
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| Summary/Abstract |
Promoting stability is a core component of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) surveillance’s mandate. The Covid-19 pandemic hit almost every country worldwide. This article evaluates whether and how the IMF surveillance documents in the aftermath of the health and economic crisis have identified risks and mitigation measures to improve health outcomes, protect vulnerable people and firms, and address climate change. Through the IMF COVID-19 Surveillance Monitor, a textual analysis index, the authors found that these issues received relatively little attention in Article IV consultations in 2019, with fiscal issues dominating the discussion. However, the consultations conducted in 2020 show some timely incremental shifts and more attention toward health systems and protecting vulnerable matters. While climate change has become a key part of senior IMF official narratives, it has not had a significant presence in surveillance activities. The techniques and indices developed here can help the IMF improve its surveillance policy.
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| 16 |
ID:
138890
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| Summary/Abstract |
UK broadcasters came under fire for the amount of airtime UKIP and its leader Nigel Farage received after the party won the most votes in the 2014 EU election. Our content analysis of television news during the 2009 and 2014 campaigns found little bias in terms of soundbites, but in the more recent election Farage visually appeared in coverage to a greater degree than other party leaders. Moreover, two core UKIP policies—being in or out of Europe and immigration—dominated coverage in 2014. We suggest the ‘UKIP factor’ and the media's fascination with Nigel Farage help explain why the 2014 campaign was more visible on television news than was the case in 2009 and was largely reported through a Westminster prism. Although television news bulletins attempt to impartially report elections, the 2014 campaign agenda was largely contested on UKIP's ideological terrain and the party's electoral fortunes.
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| 17 |
ID:
188054
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| Summary/Abstract |
This research proposes a methodology for extracting and analyzing geographical perspectives of terrorists and insurgents from online textual media. The information age has afforded organizations platforms that can be used to control their own media messages. Given that power, terrorist groups are able to create customized messages and define themselves in their own eyes on an international scale, often generating widespread sympathies and increased popularity. Within their online messaging, important information is provided that can potentially unveil geopolitical strategies. A mixed-method approach comprised of computer-aided content analysis, manual content analysis, and cartographic visualization is applied to ISIS’s Dabiq magazine as a case study to demonstrate the utility of this methodology. This research highlights the importance of considering the territoriality of terror groups and movements in geohistorical and present-day contexts.
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| 18 |
ID:
122922
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the end of the Cold War, Japan's acceptance and institutionalization of a non-combat military role to aid the US has led to its new identity as a US ally and has transformed the content of its 'peace state' identity. It is this role that has made these two identities more compatible. This article first attempts to measure the long-term shift in Japan's two identities by conducting a content analysis of Japan's Defence White Papers and then seeks to trace the formation process of Japan's dual security identity through which it accepted and institutionalized a non-combat military role. For this analysis, the process is divided into three stages: the Cold War period when its two identities as a 'peace state' and a US ally were considered incompatible, the period of the 1990s when Japan started to accept and institutionalized a non-combat military role, and the period after 11 September 2001 when Japan's dual security identity gradually got established. In the final section, the article discusses the source of a security identity shift in Japan and draws some implications for the future of its security policy.
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| 19 |
ID:
193251
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| Summary/Abstract |
After the Arab Spring took place in Syria in 2011, the relationship between the rulers and the ruled across the region became increasingly strained. In a fractious context, several opposition groups sought to overthrow the regime in Syria, as a consequence of a perceived lack of religious legitimacy. The Lebanese Hezbollah policies towards the Syrian crisis have been impacted by ideological variables, the regional balance of power, Arab community structures, and geo-strategic factors. Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Lebanese Hezbollah has regularly delivered speeches to secure the survival of the Axis of Resistance. The main aim of this paper is to investigate the objects of threat and the legacies which were used for the securitisation in the Syrian crisis. The authors, Rashed Alrasheed and Khalid Amur Salim Al-Shamli show that legacy issues facilitate the securitisation of Israel, USA, ISIS, and Sunni groups in Syria and generate suitable circumstances to move the audience of the Axis of Resistanc.
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| 20 |
ID:
126131
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| Publication |
2013.
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The relationship between Taiwan and China has swung between periods of conflict escalation and de-escalation during the past two decades. In recent years, a notable trend of reconciliation has been observed amidst rising Taiwanese identity/attachment and public apprehension in dealing with China. This paper examines how the leadership in Taiwan frames public discourse and manages the tenor of cooperation and competition in public communication. Examining public speeches and interviews from 2004 to 2011 through the lens of value analysis reveals not only the substantive differences, but also the commonalities in rhetoric styles shown by Chen and Ma and their respective administrations. When facing different audiences, both administrations calibrate and adjust their messages. Sharp attacks against China are usually reserved for domestic audiences, while Taiwan's aspirations and accomplishments are showcased for foreign audiences. Furthermore, while their language toward China may be different in tenor of denunciation and accusation, the Chen and Ma administrations exhibit a similar tendency to appeal to the sense of Taiwan identity derived from in-group bias.
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