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| 1 |
ID:
124314
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE ISSUE OF REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT IS HIGH ON THE POLICY agenda in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Indeed, for a variety of reasons, these countries are currently seen as some of the most interesting 'laboratories' for regional development in the European Union (EU) and beyond. First, from a situation in the early and mid-1990s where ?nances for regional development in these countries were very limited, there are now signi?cant levels of funding available. These ?nances ?ow predominantly from the structural funds available under EU cohesion policy, of which CEE member states are the biggest bene?ciaries in the EU. As the contribution by Ferry and McMaster notes, this brings with it opportunities to expand the scope and impact of regional development interventions. However, it also puts pressure on regional policy systems in these countries to develop structures and processes to absorb the funds, to ensure that they contribute to strategic economic growth, and to maintain a clear vision for domestic regional development.
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| 2 |
ID:
130214
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2014.
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During the last decade or so, Africa, once labeled by the Economist as the "Hopeless Continent," has been rebranded by the same magazine as "Africa Rising." Described by then-British Prime Minister Tony lair in 2001 as "a scar on our consciences," Africa has become the home of "roaring lions" and the "fastest billion"- contrasting with the image of the world's most impoverished "bottom billion," in the words of the economist Paul Collier. These new monikers and the ebullient optimism they reflect are a welcome hange. They have replaced a costly "Afropessimism" that reigned in Western media and academic circles during much of the 1980s and 1990s. The costs of the negative stereotypes of that period were felt not only in terms of Africa's selfesteem but also financially: They depicted Africa as economically much riskier than it ever was and dampened the animal spirits of investors.
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| 3 |
ID:
089515
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2009.
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This paper analyzes the factors that have contributed to the development of the Chiang Mai Initiative, one of the prominent examples of recent East Asian financial cooperation, by comparing it with the failed 1997 proposal for an Asian Monetary Fund
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| 4 |
ID:
133212
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2014.
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A great deal has been said and heard about US$ 30 billion that China has proposed to invest in the Pakistan-China Economic Corridor, as well as the Pakistani power sector, in the next three to four years. If these projects were to come to fruition, they would go a long way in bringing an end to the scourge of load-shedding that plagues Pakistan. But what its proponents fail to point out is that this investment would come in the form of Independent Power Projects (IPPs) and would depend entirely on the feasibility and bankability of these projects.
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| 5 |
ID:
128396
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2014.
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When Brazil opened up its huge offshore petroleum discoveries to foreign developers in October, after holding off on a decision for six years, government leaks indicated that Chinese state oil companies would dominate the bidding for the estimated reserve of eight to twelve billion barrels of oil. When the bids were opened, however, the Chinese proved to be far more cautious than expected and took only a minority participation in the winning consortium dominated by Petrobras, the Brazilian state oil company, and two major Western multinationals, Royal Dutch Shell, the Anglo-Dutch giant, and Total, the largest French oil company.
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| 6 |
ID:
141624
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This paper studies the roles of co-chairs in international negotiations. This study attempts to fill the research gap by scrutinizing co-chairs' effectiveness, defined as an ability to shape agreement details in one's direction, to better understand chairs' and co-chairs' influence in negotiations. I argue that a co-chair's effectiveness is not a function of resource possession, but is rooted in its resource management, or ability to convert the existing resources into bargaining influence. To validate my argument, I analyze the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization (CMIM) negotiation rounds from 2005 to 2010, focusing on the members' financial contributions and vote shares.
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| 7 |
ID:
133707
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2014.
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The purpose of this study is to identify and explain recent US human rights policy in the Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs). Foreign aid, whether distributed directly (bilateral aid) or indirectly through multilateral institutions such as the MDBs, is one of several tools through which the USA furthers its human rights policy. Several studies show the conflicted human rights policies the USA pursues with bilateral aid, but very few examine the role of human rights in US multilateral aid policy. It is this deficit that the present study addresses by examining what factors determine how the USA votes on proposals before the Executive Board in the various MDBs. Using a multinomial logistic regression model I test whether US votes in the MDBs are conditioned on recipient countries' respect for human rights along with other strategic interest variables. The study finds that respect for political rights has an important role in determining US votes in the MDBs although much of the impact is accounted for by votes specifically against China. Conversely, respect for rights of personal integrity do not have an impact on US voting. Level of economic development and whether the country receives military aid from the USA are also important determinants of US votes, as well as the level of trade between the USA and the recipient country.
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| 8 |
ID:
129051
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2014.
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The G20 leaders met for their third summit in Pittsburgh in September 2009. They agreed to institutionalize the G20 as the premier forum for their global economic cooperation, shift 5% of IMF quota shares and 3% of the World Bank's shares from the overrepresented advanced countries to underrepresented dynamic-markets and developing countries, and continue with their fiscal stimuli and measures to sustain a durable global economic recovery following the global recession of 2008/09. More importantly, they launched negotiations on global imbalances within a newly formed G20 mechanism; the Framework for Strong, Sustainable and Balanced Growth. This article focuses on the financial negotiations that took place in this summit, with the aim of explaining how the aforementioned outcome was reached. It focuses on actors' negotiating strategies as an intervening variable explaining the outcome, and compares the strategies of three important actors: the United States, China and Germany.
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| 9 |
ID:
128390
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2011.
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The financial assistance of Iranian authorities to the President of Afghanistan Hamid Karzai in October 2010, has once again sparked the discussion on Iranian policy towards Afghanistan. The fable of "money envelopes" which was delivered by Islamic Republic of Iran by non- diplomatic means remains a hot topic both inside and outside Afghanistan. llamid Karzai confirmed at a press conference that his chief of office receives cash between five to seven hundred thousand Euros: twice each year from Iran. Though the President of Afghanistan clari?ed that this controversial so called financial aid has been part of the' international financial support in which Iran is involved in the post- Taliban reconstruction of Afghanistan, his reply could not convince the- analysts who are experts on Iran and Afghanistan policies. The main reason that the issue became controversial has been theonedia propaganda related to this issue in which Iran is accused of providing military aid and financial support to the Taliban in Afghanistan. The seizure of two thousand oil tankers by Iranian government which resul - _ in a large anti-Iranian demonstration in Kabul against the Iran emba _ highlighted the issue. Few months before, in March 2010, Irani President Mahmud Ahmadinezhad during his visit to Kabul emphas' - y. Iran's disagreement over the presence of NATO in Afghanistan. He sai to regional peace."
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| 10 |
ID:
165156
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This paper examines the interactions between the USA and the expanding ecosystem of East Asian and Asia-Pacific institutions. Concentrating on the period since the Global Financial Crisis of 2008–2009, it analyzes the ‘rival regionalisms’ that are now mushrooming throughout the region. Critical is the competition between nominally cooperative institutions and continued state-to-state suspicions that handicap efforts to forge regional institutions able to redress the region's most contentious issues. Nonetheless, national mistrust of regional bodies is less evident in areas such as trade and finance where many actors envision the possibility of win-win solutions even as they remain more difficult to envision in issues touching on hard security The paper concludes by exploring what looks to be a new American disengagement from Asia-Pacific regional institutions as a consequence of the presidency of Donald Trump.
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| 11 |
ID:
100312
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2010.
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China's behaviour in East Asian financial cooperation has overall changed from passively responding to external pressures to taking proactive initiatives, which are highlighted by Chinese elites as evidence of a sense of responsibility. China has taken varied positions towards proposals for Asian financial regionalism, from 'silent' objection, to lukewarm or superficial support, to enthusiastic participation and substantial contribution, and this variance has not always taken place in a chronological order. Despite much speculation over the trajectory of China's role in East Asian regionalism, there has not been a study focused on China's policymaking towards East Asian financial cooperation. Therefore, this paper fills the gap by analysing the factors and policymaking processes that have led to those varied positions. It argues that China, recognising the momentum in the region to enhance cooperation, has replaced the blunt dismissals of proposals, particularly those from Japan, with a more subtle approach that is aimed at ensuring China's influence and promoting the image of a responsible great power; that the extent to which it can contribute to this process is mainly constrained by its economic conditions, particularly the financial institutions.
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