| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
089768
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Naxalism is, undeniably, a law-and -order problem, but it is not that alone; the violence Naxalites often wreak is a virulent symptom, not the disease itself. And untill the government realises that, its remedies are doomed to failure. The state government's 22 June ban on the Naxalites following the outbreak in Bengal is a mere updating-the-books exercise, nothing more. Maoist groups had long been banned; it is only that the government had not taken cognisance of their merger into one group.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
112011
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
102318
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
109397
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
171464
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Noida, Fourth estate, 2020.
|
| Description |
269p.hbk
|
| Standard Number |
9789353578091
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059865 | 808.066/BHA 059865 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
126419
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Sometimes imagination can be as dangerous as lack of it. In 2005, the state Congress leader in Chhattisgarh, Mahendra Karma was struck by what he must have thought a masterstroke: Pitting people against people. This would accrue multiple benefits, for him personally and for the BJP-run state government.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
106902
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
112018
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
167246
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
From an interpretation of gender relations in the Chhattisgarhi plains of central India, this paper contributes to theoretical debates on the regional geography of female autonomy and its economic or cultural underpinnings. It seeks to unpack the multi-layered dynamic of gender relations in Chhattisgarh that defy easy generalisation. Kinship systems for non-adivasi groups follow important ‘northern’ or exogamous principals, which are argued, by Dyson and Moore’s thesis, to be unfavourable to female power or autonomy. Counter-intuitively, gender relations are relatively egalitarian when judged by indicators such as sex ratio, and attitudes towards female sexuality or remarriage, while son-preference in the family composition finds a sharp expression. Whereas Chhattisgarh displays unique cultural characteristics, the dependence on women’s labour in the state’s rice-based agrarian economy may make women’s position less susceptible to subordination, and conceivably mitigate the predicted unfavourable-to-women effects of exogamous marriage.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
109023
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
122340
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
104734
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
152421
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
105888
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
123046
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
When Nitish Kumar became chief minister of the dirt-poor Indian state of Bihar in 2005, kidnapping was said to be the leading industry in the capital city of Patna. People searching for stolen cars were advised to check the driveway of a leading politician, who reportedly commandeered vehicles for "election duty." Although known for his soft-spoken manner, Kumar cracked down hard. He straightened out the crooked police, ordering them to move aggressively against all criminals, from the daylight robbers to the corrupt high officials. He set up a new fast-track court to speed the miscreants to jail. As Biharis gained the courage to go out on the street, even after dark, Kumar set about energizing a landlocked economy with few outlets for manufactured exports. He focused on improving the yields of Bihar's fertile soil and ushered in a construction boom. Within a few years, a state once described by the writer V. S. Naipaul as "the place where civilization ends" had built one of the fastest-growing state economies in India. And Kumar was recognized as a leader in the new generation of dynamic chief ministers who are remaking the economic map and future of India.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
115881
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Naxals of the Communist Party of India (CPI) (Maoist), better known as Maoists, characterised more than once by the Indian prime minister as the gravest threat to our internal security, have been continuously fine-tuning their strategies and tactics in order to maintain their relevance. On the other hand, the state too has been making concerted efforts by taking 'security and development' measures to diminish, if not altogether defeat, the challenge posed by the rebels to the Indian state.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|