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| 1 |
ID:
093888
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Conflict prevention, more than other fields of international politics and foreign policy, is characterized by a multiplicity of state and non-state actors, giving rise to particularly complex coordination challenges. This article evaluates the extent to which the German response to these challenges, the action plan for civilian conflict prevention, has succeeded in its aim of improving coordination to increase policy coherence between different governmental agencies as well as with civil society actors. It finds that although the general approach is indeed promising, the government's lack of commitment prevents it from tapping into the action plan's full potential.
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| 2 |
ID:
122009
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In a television interview in November 2011, former head of Mossad Meir Dagan warned that an Israeli attack on Iran's nuclear facilities could lead to a regional war involving actors such as Hizbullah, Hamas and Syria. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has had a different view. In October 2012, he told French magazine Paris Match that such an attack would stabilise the Middle East:
Five minutes after, contrary to what the skeptics say, I think a feeling of relief would spread across the region … Iran is not popular in the Arab world, far from it, and some governments in the region, as well as their citizens, have understood that a nuclear-armed Iran would be dangerous for them, not just for Israel.
US officials, however, predict that Arab states would have a strong reaction to an independent Israeli attack. Such an assault is likely to sever Israel's already limited diplomatic relations with Arab states, they argue, and may destroy its peace treaties with Egypt and Jordan. Washington believes that an attack would give rise to popular protests in the Arab world, forcing its leaders to act.
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| 3 |
ID:
156974
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When Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was formed, the problem confronting Africa continent then was colonialism. It is therefore not a surprise that its major preoccupation was how to liberate countries within the continent that were still under the grip of colonialism. However, the surge of conflicts in various African countries shortly after independence, manifesting in form of ethnicity, religious, struggle for political power among others, coupled with OAU policy of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of member states, combined to turn African continent to the bedlam of the world. The failure of OAU led to the formation of the African Unity (AU) to correct some of these ills. This article examines AU’s achievements in the realm of peace and security using secondary sources of data gathering. Since AU came on board, how far has it fared in promoting peace and security in the continent? Findings reveal that although AU has achieved much in the realm of peace and security in Africa, yet it lacks the needed human resources and institutional capacity to conduct effective peace operations and peace-making initiatives. The study therefore suggested among others the need to strengthen AU’s institutional capacity and more personnel should be donated by members countries
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| 4 |
ID:
172236
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After a 14-year gap, Australia’s 2017 Foreign Policy White Paper advanced a ‘comprehensive framework to advance Australia’s security and prosperity in a contested and competitive world’ (Australian Government 2017a, “2017 Foreign Policy White Paper.” https://www.fpwhitepaper.gov.au/., v). Focused on regional stability, partnerships and global cooperation, it identifies ‘risks and opportunities’ in an altered external environment. In this article, we argue that the neglect of gender and conflict prevention in the White Paper has implications for its stated aspirations with regard to peace and security. This is striking considering the attention that gender—particularly in the context of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda—has received in other policy areas and documents. Building on feminist security scholarship, conflict prevention approaches, and bringing in civil society voices, we argue that the White Paper contains a gendered, masculinist logic, separating domestic and international issues and paying insufficient attention to the structural and systemic causes of conflict. This article pursues a gender analysis in order to illuminate the gaps present in the White Paper and its limited vision of security and makes the case that conflict prevention from a gender perspective is key to sustainable peace, security and national interests.
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| 5 |
ID:
001021
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| Publication |
New Delhi, IDSA, 1998.
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| Description |
181p.
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| Contents |
Project : Peace, Security and Economic Co-operation for growth : India and South Asia in the 21st century
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 040546 | 355.033054/SIN 040546 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
060444
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Jan-Mar 2005.
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| 7 |
ID:
046315
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| Publication |
London, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2003.
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| Description |
viii, 233p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
0588261360
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 046298 | 658.4053/WEN 046298 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
081547
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty identified the responsibility to prevent as the single most important aspect of its report The Responsibility to Protect, most scholarly and political attention has been given to the concept's reaction component rather than to its prevention component. This article aims to correct this imbalance by examining progress with, changes to, and attitudes toward the responsibility to prevent since the publication of the commission's report in 2001. It seeks to explain the relative neglect of prevention in debates about The Responsibility to Protect, arguing that the answer can be found in a combination of doubts about how wide the definition of prevention should be, political concerns raised by the use of prevention in the war on terrorism, and practical concerns about the appropriate institutional locus for responsibility. The article moves on to identify some basic principles that might help advance the responsibility to prevent
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| 9 |
ID:
049419
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| Publication |
Uppsala, Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, 2001.
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| Description |
60p.
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| Series |
Research report; no. 59
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| Standard Number |
9150615130
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 045203 | 303.69/WAL 045203 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
077427
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The story of how conflict prevention became an integral and legitimate part of Swedish foreign policy illustrates the relationship between successful practices and powerful ideas. This article suggests that the demonstration of an idea in practice empowers the idea and contributes not only to its selection, but also to its framing and institutionalization within foreign policy. Hence, the article sets out to explore the relationships between practice, ideas and foreign policy. Adopting a social constructivist perspective, the article provides a detailed process-tracing of the construction of a Swedish conflict prevention policy and concludes that conflict prevention was a powerful idea because it was morally appealing and persuasive as well as successfully demonstrated in practice. In fact, preventive practices spearheaded the advancement of the conflict prevention idea. In addition, the idea resonated with the Swedish foreign policy elite, with commonly held values and with the traditional Swedish foreign policy that stressed internationalism and solidarity
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| 11 |
ID:
168638
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Polity Press, 2015.
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| Description |
xxi, 419p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9780745686776
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059749 | 303.69/WOO 059749 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
123223
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
For more than a decade Europe's once unique arms control acquis is in decline. This pertains foremost to conventional arms control. An assessment of current political North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)-Russia problems and military insecurities on the continent shows that a modern approach to conventional arms control could positively contribute to security and stability. In times of financial austerity, a new framework has to focus on mutual military reassurances, transparency, conflict prevention, and the links to nuclear arms control. To achieve such a goal, U.S. leadership, as well as Europeanization of the Reset policy, is needed.
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| 13 |
ID:
100978
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| 14 |
ID:
132463
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China and the US both recognise that an armed conflict between them would include cyber warfare. But there is a curious and risky failure to connect the tactical military advantages of cyber attacks with the strategic hazards.
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| 15 |
ID:
114449
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although the 19
th
century "gunboat" and "parade ground" diplomacy
is of historical interest, a convenient starting point can be 1964, when
the British Secretary of State for Defence, Denis Healey, formulated
the first cohesive defence diplomacy policy. With the withdrawal
from East of Suez, Healey hoped to fill the void and maintain British
influence by a low cost policy playing to perceived British strengths
of military prowess and technological capability. Small training
missions, defence attaches and sales of military hardware were the
three main components of the plan, backed up by occasional military
deployments, high level visits, and the opening up of the domestic
defence establishments to allied military personnel.
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| 16 |
ID:
069742
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| 17 |
ID:
119722
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
For many, religion is more a matter of identity than of belief. The focus is on what you wear, what you eat, or whom you marry. As such, religion is seldom the primary cause of conflict but can add to hostility. You may be killed because you are uncircumcised, but not because of what you actually believe in. When conflict starts-besides caring for the injured and refugees, protecting non-combatants, counteracting propaganda, and calling for peace-there is little a religion can do.
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| 18 |
ID:
072831
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| 19 |
ID:
055222
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| 20 |
ID:
049388
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| Publication |
Uppsala, Department of peace and conflict research, 2001.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 046172 | 303.69/DEP 046172 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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