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| 1 |
ID:
109887
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| 2 |
ID:
162721
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| Summary/Abstract |
The adverse tactical implications of Brexit for European security will be real but ultimately manageable. The strategic implications may be more significant.
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| 3 |
ID:
145196
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| Summary/Abstract |
The debate about whether the United Kingdom will be better off in or out of the European Union is driven more by emotion than by rational analysis. To the extent that rationality has played a role, it has applied to the question of which option will leave the British people economically more prosperous. But claims have also been made, by exponents of both camps, that the UK will be more or less secure outside of the EU. As with much of the ‘Brexit’ debate, such claims have been made with little in the way of factual substantiation, and the issue is, like so much else about the UK, complicated by the depth and breadth of the country’s global engagement.
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| 4 |
ID:
145002
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| Publication |
London, IISS, 2016.
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| Description |
155p.pbk
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| Series |
Adelphi Series; no. 456
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| Standard Number |
9781138211162
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058653 | 303.48830951/INK 058653 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 058755 | 303.48830951/INK 058755 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
160139
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| Summary/Abstract |
China’s spiritual gap has to date largely been met by a combination of Christianity and traditional Chinese belief systems. Both present challenges to the Communist Party.
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| 6 |
ID:
116653
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In comparison with other major powers, relatively little has been written about the modern capabilities of the Chinese intelligence agencies. The public consciousness of Western audiences is certainly not infused with dramatic episodes equivalent to the United Kingdom's code-breaking successes against Nazi Germany during the Second World War, or the spy/counter-spy narrative which characterised the Cold War. Within China itself, there is such a narrative, but it is situated squarely within the context of the anti-Japanese war and in the post-war struggle between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Kuomintang (KMT), both campaigns in which intelligence played a significant role. This era is amply covered in both academic writings and an increasing array of novels, films and television series which form part of the CCP's ongoing Patriotic Education Campaign, established in the aftermath of the 1989 June 4 Incident.1 Far less coverage is devoted to China's contemporary intelligence capabilities, in particular in terms of successes in collecting against foreign targets. There is nothing remotely comparable to the huge expansion in academic writings on all aspects of intelligence that has developed in the West since the end of the Cold War.
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| 7 |
ID:
143031
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If one story in 2015 epitomised the challenge faced by the Western world in coming to terms with a rising China, it was the state visit of President Xi Jinping to the United Kingdom from 20–23 October. Such visits are normally highly scripted and choreographed, involving more form than substance, and in many ways, this one was no exception. Much of the pageantry in which the UK excels was on display. And the perennial fascination of China’s Marxist–Leninist leadership with the British royal family was equally in evidence.
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| 8 |
ID:
138793
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Hollywood has not been slow to appreciate and exploit the cinematic potential of the threat from cyber attacks. Films such as Live Free or Die Hard contain graphic depictions of the chaos caused when hackers take control of US transportation networks, the stock market and natural-gas and power grids on the Eastern Seaboard. Hollywood did not, however, anticipate that it would become the target of the first-ever alleged state-sponsored destructive computer-network attack to take place on US soil – and that by virtue of this fact it would find itself, not for the first time, playing the role of a major national-security actor.
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| 9 |
ID:
112636
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| Publication |
Oxon, Routledge, 2012.
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| Description |
163p.
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| Series |
Adelphi Series 428
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| Standard Number |
9780415627061
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056488 | 363.45/INK 056488 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
163596
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| Summary/Abstract |
China is seeking to shape the global information- and communication-technology environment in ways favourable to its own interests.
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| 11 |
ID:
147505
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| Summary/Abstract |
On Friday 22 July 2016, some 20,000 emails stolen from the servers of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) were published on the WikiLeaks website. The emails, a selection of which had already been passed to American media organisations, were to varying degrees embarrassing to the DNC, in particular by demonstrating that the party organisation was biased in favour of Hillary Clinton at the expense of Bernie Sanders, her rival for the Democratic presidential nomination. The immediate consequence of the leaks was the resignation of DNC chairperson Debbie Wasserman Schultz. But the ripples of this incident, which revealed no evidence of significant wrongdoing within the Democratic Party, spread far and wide, raising serious questions about the extent to which the United States presidential election had become weaponised in the context of a wider geopolitical confrontation.
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| 12 |
ID:
090180
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The reluctance of European countries to assist the US government with the closure of the Guantanamo Bay detention facility by accepting some of the remaining 240 inmates risks being seen in the United States either as an exercise in European Schadenfreude (the Americans created this mess and it now behoves them to fix it); or as another classic example of European readiness to shelter beneath a US security umbrella without themselves being willing to do any of the dirty work needed to ensure their own safety. But the reality is that for all EU states, a decision to accept Guantanamo detainees means confronting a complex array of operational, legal and political issues which collectively will prove hard to resolve.
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| 13 |
ID:
153366
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| Summary/Abstract |
Anyone who has been on a management training course will have been confronted with the proposition that ‘if you can’t measure it, you can’t manage it’. This statement, or some variant thereof, has variously and erroneously been attributed to different management gurus: specifically, W. Edwards Deming, who actually said the exact opposite, namely ‘It is wrong to suppose that if you can’t measure it, you can’t manage it – a costly myth’;1 and Peter Drucker, who doesn’t actually seem to have said it at all. Neither of these pioneering thinkers would be impressed with the mechanistic way in which incompetent managers – and there are many – attempt to enumerate things in ways that are misleading and counterproductive. Such managers, at best, reduce management to a meaningless box-ticking exercise and, at worst, set themselves up for unpleasant surprises when they discover that what purports to be solid, fact-based analysis turns out to be highly misleading: as Mark Twain put it, ‘what you know for sure but just ain’t so’.
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| 14 |
ID:
127313
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The stream of revelations about US communications-intercept operations deriving from material purloined from the National Security Agency (NSA) by rogue contractor Edward Snowden has aroused strong emotions in a variety of constituencies. Civil-liberties groups concerned with issues of personal freedom and data privacy have expressed alarm about the pervasive nature of the NSA's bulk data collection. States that have been shown to have collaborated with the organisation in such collection have been embarrassed. And countries that considered themselves to have friendly relations with the United States but were the subject of its covert intelligence collection have reacted with varying degrees of outrage. Some of this outrage has been real, but much of it is manufactured for either domestic political reasons or in the hope of leveraging some policy advantage from the discomfiture of the US and its allies. The major US technology companies and service providers which have to varying degrees collaborated with the NSA, either voluntarily or in response to judicial warrants, have experienced a decline in customer trust, with uncertain but potentially significant implications for their future business prospects.
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| 15 |
ID:
157202
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| Summary/Abstract |
Like his American counterpart, Chinese President Xi Jinping wants to make his country great again. But there is a crucial difference: not only does Xi have the vision, he also has a strategy, aimed at restoring the dominant regional role that China enjoyed for centuries, while pushing Chinese influence far beyond its borders and into the wider world. If he succeeds, Beijing will present most other nations with political, economic and military challenges unprecedented in modern times. And, to date, Xi’s efforts, built on those of his predecessors, have achieved remarkable gains at home and abroad.
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