|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
131665
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Tensions in the Asia-Pacific region are rising as a consequence of the U.S. "pivot" to Asia and China's increasingly assertive foreign policy. Other states in the region must try to reconcile potentially conflicting economic and strategic imperatives as a consequence. Australia illustrates these dilemmas. We ask what role regional institutions can play.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
150972
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Did the Obama administration have a grand strategy? If so, was it effective? Before Obama's presidency even ended, these questions were unleashing fusillades of contradictory commentary. Sympathetic observers credited Obama with a wise, well-integrated grand strategy that enhanced American power for “the long-game.”
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
133292
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Japanese foreign policy is at a crossroads. A global power transition is under way; while the United States remains the leading global power, across the globe non-western developing states are on the rise. Within Asia, China is a growing presence, wielding expansive claims on islands and maritime rights, and embarking on a defence buildup. As power shifts across Asia and the wider world, the terms of leadership and global governance have become more uncertain. Japan now finds itself asking basic questions about its own identity and strategic goals as a Great Power. Within this changing context, there are three foreign policy approaches available to Japan: (1) a classical realist line of working closely with the US in meeting China's rise and optimizing deep US engagement with China by pursuing a diplomacy focused on counterbalancing and hedging; (2) a transformative pragmatist line of rejuvenating itself through Abenomics and repositioning itself in East Asia; and (3) a liberal international line of pursuing a common agenda of enhancing global liberal-oriented norms and rules through multilateral institutions along with the United States and the Asia-Pacific countries. Current Japanese foreign policy contains a mix of all three approaches. The article argues that a greater focus on the second and the third lines would enhance the current approach; it would ensure that Japan is more in harmony with the global environment and help it work positively for global and regional stability and prosperity, thus enabling Japan to pursue an 'honorable place in the world' (as stated in the preamble to its constitution).
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
132996
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In a world of flashpoints and European defence cuts the alliance needs strengthening, when the British government offered to host the NATO summit in Wales on September,4-5, few foresav that this would be a defining moment in the history of the Atlantic Alliance.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
173230
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In opening this special issue, our conceptual essay reclaims the importance of revisionism for regional analysis. It identifies and offers key conceptual and analytical tools for a multifaceted analysis of revisionism, discussing its various forms in relation to the aims and risk propensity of a given country. As a transdisciplinary and theoretical eclecticism, dilemma analysis is utilised to bridge the divide between political science, international relations, and security studies. To ascertain the extent of revisionism, we offer and operationalise six dilemmas seen as central for grasping its contemporary parameters: political order, political regimes, technology, migration, the economy, and the international system.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
137636
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Hybrid forms of peace represent a juxtaposition between international norms and interests and local forms of agency and identity. A first stage may be tense forms of hybrid politics that maintain structural violence, fail to resolve the contradictions between local and international norms, and reflect the outsourcing of colonial style rule. This could be characterised as, or lead to, a negative form of hybrid peace. A positive form of hybrid peace would have the advantage of having resolved such contradictions through active rather than passive everyday agency. This article examines this range of dilemmas surrounding debates about hybrid peace.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
143058
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1958.
|
| Description |
389p.hbk
|
| Contents |
B
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058436 | 320/MOR 058436 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
133571
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Sudhanshu Tripathi historicises and contextualises contemporary views and discussions about globalisation and introduces its discourses, politics, practices and technologies. He also analyses the emerging challenges to as well as dilemmas and prospects of the ongoing process.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
132791
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Japan merits serious study as a diplomatic and strategic power in the twenty-first century for several reasons. Although her population size is declining because of shrinking birth rates and restrictive immigration, the ratio of seniors is increasing --with increasing demands for pensions and state-supported safety nets - and the number of younger participants in the growth of her economy and public life is declining, the Japanese people have demonstrated a high degree of discipline and internal social cohesion at times of war, peace and crisis. An example is their fortitude during the recent (2011) nuclear and tsunami disasters. After 1945, her social and political values stress the importance of harmony and consensus building in her domestic arrangements, and the Japanese people and ruling elites value rejection of war as the sovereign right of the Japanese state. For this reason, domestic public opinion matters in the making and orientation of Japan 's external policies following her defeat in 1945 and with the establishment of a pacifist constitution and constitutional democracy. The population is not easily swayed by radical political and nationalistic rhetoric, even though in recent years, nationalist sentiment has grown in Japan and this was signalled by the election of Prime Minister S/2in;o Abe (2012). Still, despite the centre-right tilt in Japanese public and elite opinion in recent years, the Japanese people demand a thorough assessment of new moves to shift strategic policy and constitutional arrangements on defence issues.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
090678
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Liberal international order-both its ideas and real-world political formations-is not embodied in a fixed set of principles or practices. Open markets, international institutions, cooperative security, democratic community, progressive change, collective problem solving, the rule of law-these are aspects of the liberal vision that have made appearances in various combinations and changing ways over the last century. I argue that it is possible to identify three versions or models of liberal international order-versions 1.0, 2.0, and 3.0. The first is associated with the ideas of Woodrow Wilson, the second is the Cold War liberal internationalism of the post-1945 decades, and the third version is a sort of post-hegemonic liberal internationalism that has only partially appeared and whose full shape and logic is still uncertain. I develop a set of dimensions that allow for identifying different logics of liberal international order and identify variables that will shape the movement from liberal internationalism 2.0 to 3.0.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
174558
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Iterative approaches to development under banners such as ‘thinking and working politically’ and ‘doing development differently’ build upon decades-old commitments to fostering locally led and -owned development. These approaches are increasingly popular with academics and development practitioners. In this paper we argue that outsiders seeking to deliver locally led, politically smart programmes need to either accept that competing priorities, results and values will work to limit the extent of true local ownership, or be sufficiently committed to true local leadership to accept that this may well cut against organisational imperatives. Using the example of the Pacific-based Green Growth Leaders’ Coalition, we discuss how politically tricky partnerships challenge tenets of local leadership and ownership.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
137648
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
There are few negotiations where it is so necessary to be fast and effective than in those that deal with hostages. This is an almost unfeasible task that has to be carried out with the most unlikely negotiator, the terrorist, in an extremely hostile context. Considering the issues at stake – the freedom of the hostages and, very often, their lives – a negotiator has to manage many challenges. There are seven dilemmas and paradoxes in reaching agreement. A negotiator has to solve a Shakespearian dilemma, manage contradictory objectives, deal with incompatible rationales, handle the toughness dilemma, come to grips with contradictions between empathy and assertiveness, handle cultural dilemmas, and cope with a moral dilemma.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
116472
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The emphasis in political science on procedural ethics has led to a neglect of how researchers should consider and treat study participants, from design to publication stage. This article corrects this oversight and calls for a sustained discussion of research ethics across the discipline. The article's core argument is twofold: that ethics should matter to everyone, not just those who spend extended time in the field; and that ethics is an ongoing responsibility, not a discrete task to be checked off a "to do" list. Ethics matter in all types of political science research because most political science involves "human subjects." Producers and consumers of political science research need to contemplate the ambiguous and oftentimes uncomfortable dimensions of research ethics, lest we create a discipline that is "nonethical," or worse, unethical.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|