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| 1 |
ID:
138591
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| Summary/Abstract |
Jia Pingwa’s Decadent Capital was wildly popular upon its publication in 1993. Offering plenty of sex and a bleak view of Chinese society under reform, it was also highly controversial, not least because of the blank squares strewn throughout the text to represent erotic descriptions edited out by the author. Commentators accused Jia of selling out high culture, much like the intellectuals portrayed in the narrative. The novel was banned in 1994 but rereleased in 2009 with one major change: the blank squares were replaced by ellipses. I argue that these blank squares not only make public censorship itself but also constitute the space of alternative publics, whether harking back to an elided past or projecting into a future yet to be written, that the post-Tiananmen Party-state tries to nullify. KEYWORDS: Jia Pingwa, censorship, publishing industry, postsocialism, dystopia, utopia, Tiananmen Square, public, criticism, Lu Xun.
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| 2 |
ID:
187599
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| Summary/Abstract |
Energy transitions require engagement with users, local communities and wider publics in order to be fair, acceptable and, ultimately, successful. Here we focus on the development of decentralised energy systems instigated by central government. Smart Local Energy Systems (SLES), involving low carbon generation, demand sources and smart technologies in a geographically-bounded location, are important but unexplored contexts for public engagement. Drawing on 23 interviews with partner organisations in 12 UK SLES projects, we investigate the targets, methods and rationales of engagement. Partners engage a range of user and community groups around multiple energy system components using a variety of methods, directly and via intermediary organisations. Project size is not a major influence on breadth and intensity of engagement. Project partners rationalise practices with reference to characterisations of users and engagement, and practices are conditioned by a range of factors (e.g. technological boundaries, place, partners involved, and the wider organisational context within which SLES projects take place). We highlight a need for future SLES policy to emphasise engagement as a key facet, institute systematic social learning between SLES projects, and consider how to engage publics beyond the boundaries of individual projects.
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| 3 |
ID:
163744
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Constitution of Kenya 2010 introduced a framework for devolving public resources in Kenya’s forty-seven Counties. The Counties were given the responsibilities of maintaining health, roads and agriculture, among others. Using the Afrobarometer (2015) survey, we employ probit regression to examine the determinants of successful public participation in the Counties. We find that approval of the Governor’s performance has a positive and significant influence on public participation. However, difficulty among the citizenry in influencing County decision-making; lack of responsive County Assembly Members; difficulty in accessing information on County budgets, legislation and projects; and corruption in the Governor’s office have a negative significance.
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| 4 |
ID:
142675
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| Summary/Abstract |
THIS SPECIAL SECTION IS DEDICATED TO FAMILY LIFE, health, and reproduction in the context of Russia and Ukraine. One important component in post-Soviet transformation in the social sphere was idealisation of the ‘traditional family’ (Zhurzhenko 2004, 2008). In fact, a neo-conservative discourse, which promotes traditional family life and denounces homosexuality and abortion, has increasingly come to dominate post-Soviet Russia in the last decade (Rodin & Åberg 2013). This discourse can partly be linked to the growing influence of the Russian Orthodox Church and to religion becoming an important identity marker for Russian nationhood, partly to Russia’s demographic problems with a shrinking population, and ultimately to a general and rising nationalistic discourse.
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| 5 |
ID:
111517
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Through a brief history of a widely published canon debate in nineteenth century Orissa, this article describes how anxieties about the quality of 'traditional' Oriya literature served as a site for imagining a cohesive Oriya public who would become the consumers and beneficiaries of a new, modernized Oriya-language canon. A public controversy about the status of Oriya literature was initiated in the 1890s with the publication of a serialized critique of the works of Upendra Bhanja, a very popular pre-colonial Oriya poet. The critic argued that Bhanja's writing was not true poetry, that it did not speak to the contemporary era, and that it featured embarrassingly detailed discussions of obscene material. By unpacking the terms of this criticism and Oriya responses to it, I reveal how at the heart of these discussions were concerns about community building that presupposed a new kind of readership of literature in the Oriya language. Ultimately, this article offers a longer, regional history to the emerging concern of post-colonial scholarship with relationships between publication histories, readerships, and broader ideas of community - local, Indian, and global.
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| 6 |
ID:
093269
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| Publication |
Cheltemham, Edward Elgar, 2009.
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| Description |
v, 262p.
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| Standard Number |
9781847208279
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054648 | 320.6/MCC 054648 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
122448
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Most of the corruption in developing countries is inherently
political…What is labeled as corruption in developing countries mirrors
the distribution of power within societies. Few anti-corruption
campaigns dare to attack the roots of corruption in such societies as
these roots lie in the distribution of power itself."
1
This paper examines discourses on the nature and extent of
corruption in India and two factors most responsible for it. The main
argument is that unaccounted wealth and the criminalisation of politics
are responsible for important decisions being influenced by extraneous
considerations. When criminal elements hold the reins of government
they show scant concern for citizens' rights; among these the violation
of human rights not only dispossesses those in greatest need but also
brings irreversible consequences that affect generations of citizens.
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| 8 |
ID:
101640
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay looks at immigrants' integration into the economic and cultural life of Haifa, one of the largest Russian-speaking urban enclaves. Based on participant observation and auto-ethnography, it reflects on visual and acoustic signs of the 'Russian' presence. It further analyzes factors determining the newcomers' choices of neighbourhood and subsequent intra-city migration. Immigrant-owned businesses catering to consumer tastes of ex-Soviets have become the meeting points of various ethnic groups inhabiting the city. Over time, educational institutions created by immigrant teachers and centres providing intellectual enrichment have switched to bilingual activities to meet the changing needs of co-ethnics and to attract a wider public, but the underlying pedagogical principles and cultural values behind them remain Russian.
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| 9 |
ID:
140450
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| Summary/Abstract |
The manner in which President Karimov's roles were recognized in the global arena affected how Uzbekistan's international relations developed – a perspective that highlights both the form and the content of bilateral relationships. While mutual interests are crucial to beginning a relationship, it is also important to understand how those relations were recognized in public and dealt with in private. If partners managed to recognize Karimov's agenda publicly, or at least act with discretion, this tended to create an atmosphere favouring cooperation. As such, recognition and discretion reveal much about Karimov's concerns with international equality and self-reliance, pointing to the reasons why Uzbekistan's relations fluctuated more with some actors than others. The United States and Germany are ideal examples of that ambivalent situation: Washington often cooperated with Uzbekistan on security matters, but then saw its military personnel excluded from Qarshi-Qanabad after the 2005 Andijan crisis; whereas Berlin witnessed little change in its relationship with Uzbekistan and continued to lease a base in Termez after 2005. This difference in outcomes can be explained in part by a dynamic of recognition and discretion.
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| 10 |
ID:
171507
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| Summary/Abstract |
In line with the Paris Agreement, the Dutch Government aims to achieve 49% CO2 emission reduction by 2030. The required energy transition will have a large impact on Dutch society. So, it is important that citizens and companies support and agree on the required policies. This paper explores the legitimacy of these policies and how to measure the degree of such legitimacy.
A survey among Dutch citizens and company representatives shows support for the emission reduction policy goals (input-legitimacy). We also explored support for two specific policy interventions (output legitimacy): 1) an ‘in-home display’, collectively paid for by all energy consumers, and 2) an in-home display that is paid for by the energy companies. Both interventions are supported by around 50% of the citizens and companies. We found strong correlations between underlying aspects of legitimacy (related to good governance criteria) and the overall support for the interventions. We also found that public support for a policy goal does not automatically result in support for the associated intervention. This emphasizes the importance of ex-ante testing of specific interventions to determine the level of public support, so that policy can become more effective and efficient.
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| 11 |
ID:
093685
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The public's inability to gain direct personal experience or information about American military operations means that individuals must rely on cues to form opinions about war. But in an environment filled will potential cues, which ones do Americans tend to rely on when deciding whether to support an ongoing military operation? This experimental study uses two distinct cues within the context of a newspaper story about the Iraq War to test four theoretical models of the American public's reliance on cues. The results provide fairly consistent support for the "surprising events" model of opinion formation, which suggests that individuals will attend to news events that conflict with their expectations in an effort to update their attitudes toward the war. These results also provide support for the cost/benefit perspective on the formation of public opinion toward war that underpins much of the literature on casualty tolerance during military conflicts.
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| 12 |
ID:
140464
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay suggests the expanded scholarly terrain created to analyse ‘the public’ that has been mapped between an initial special issue of the journal South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies (published in 1991) and this current essay collection (of 2015). In the process, it suggests not only what new scholarly interests and skills, as well as new sites for analysis, have opened up, but also points to issues yet unaddressed, along with elements of visual culture that scholars interested in ‘the public’ could consider. For the realm of the visual remains, even after 25 years, largely unconnected to analyses of ‘the public’, despite its centrality to the ways in which public issues, enactments and interests are expressed and debated. To provide overarching ways to think about how the essays presented here treat ‘the public’, as well as to draw attention to issues still not addressed that offer future challenges, this essay suggests conceptualising the subject around four aspects that emerged when the authors met together: the public as enacted; the public as envisioned; public space, both rhetorical and actual; and concepts of the public expressed as belief, interpretation, understandings, values and ‘public opinion’—that is, as concepts understood to motivate and influence their audiences.
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| 13 |
ID:
170760
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article contributes to the emerging literature on publics within critical security studies. Its particular focus is on contestation in the context of diffuse security technology. Contemporary security practices are characterized by diffusion and dispersion. As a result, contestation of security technology is also dispersed and diffuse and requires an account of publics that is sensitive to this aspect. The article conceptualizes ‘multiple publics’ as a mode of fundamental contestation of established political institutions. In order to do so, it discusses previous approaches to sociotechnical controversies and material participation. As a result of this discussion, it becomes apparent that we need a concept of publics that does not reduce political contestation to a pre-existing set of institutions. I develop a notion of publicness that emphasizes the way in which publics are embedded in societal struggles. This is achieved by reading John Dewey as a theorist to whom contestation is a vital part of democracy. It becomes possible to understand contestation against diffuse security practices – such as surveillance – as forms of emerging publics, even though they might not feed back into governmental decisionmaking.
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| 14 |
ID:
101480
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article suggests adding the category of public/private to Buzan & Hansen's (2009) account of the four central themes structuring security studies. By doing so, we can illuminate key parts of the field's analytic and political development, and better appreciate the challenges that it confronts in analysing new phenomena, including transnational non-state violence and security privatization.
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| 15 |
ID:
140455
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| Summary/Abstract |
The interrelationships of the various, seemingly contradictory, uses of the public as a concept are best understood by relating the concept to sovereignty. The concept of the public thus gained particular structural meaning in colonial India through the state's efforts to legitimise its authority as the embodiment of a discourse of reason in the nineteenth century, with the courts serving as a critical model for the public. With the emergence of the concept of the sovereignty of the people in the twentieth century, the nature of the public was significantly transformed, and gained increasing significance as an arena for the open performance of the autonomous self.
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| 16 |
ID:
165935
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay investigates how public life in Kerala is shaped by spatially distributed gendered caste practices. The essay first investigates rural publics, such as rural libraries, and suggests that forms of progressive civility in seemingly caste-free associational publics should be understood not as the elimination of caste practices but their reconstitution. Second, while it is commonly accepted that caste is naturally practised in the ‘private’, I suggest that these ‘privates’ are in fact what I call a ‘private–public’ and are spatially and socially shaped by gender and caste. I argue that ideas of civility and democracy need to understand experiences of forms of civility and incivility as constituted in private–publics rather than only in the formal associational public.
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| 17 |
ID:
090732
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| 18 |
ID:
157154
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| 19 |
ID:
180892
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Peace referendums can be exploited by political actors who may gain politically from opposing a peace process. This article explores how political opposition affects peace negotiations, particularly when a referendum is used to ratify an agreement, through the study of the Colombian peace negotiations between the government of President Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). It finds that the exclusive character of the negotiations, coupled with their confidentiality, contributed to the political opposition’s capacity to influence public opinion against the peace process and to reject the peace agreement in the 2016 referendum. This qualitative study is based on the content analysis of reports, memoirs and interviews with key negotiation delegates, journalists and representatives of the referendum campaigns. It argues that political inclusion in peace negotiations can help prevent referendum spoiling, while public information and education during the negotiations can reduce the impact of disinformation and manipulation campaigns.
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| 20 |
ID:
094861
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The literature on public attitudes to wind power is underpinned by key assumptions which limit its scope and restrict the findings it can present. Five key assumptions are that: (1) The majority of the public supports wind power. (2) Opposition to wind power is therefore deviant. (3) Opponents are ignorant or misinformed. (4) The reason for understanding opposition is to overcome it. (5) Trust is key. The paper calls for critical reflection on each of these assumptions. It should not be assumed that opposition to wind power is deviant/illegitimate. Opposition cannot be dismissed as ignorant or misinformed instead it must be acknowledged that objectors are often very knowledgeable. Public attitudes and responses to wind power should not be examined in order to mitigate potential future opposition, but rather in order to understand the social context of renewable energy. Trust is identified as a key issue, however greater trust must be placed in members of the public and in their knowledge. In sum, the literature must abandon the assumption that it knows who is 'right' and instead must engage with the possibility that objectors to wind power are not always 'wrong'.
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