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| 1 |
ID:
188023
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| Summary/Abstract |
The dominant academic narrative portrays British Muslim communities as alienated by counter-terrorism policies and consequently reluctant to cooperate with authorities by taking action against Islamist extremism. This article reassesses and nuances the “alienation narrative” with the use of unique data from three robust surveys of British Muslims. It finds that although a minority shows signs of alienation, most British Muslims are satisfied with and trust counter-terrorism policies as well as the government and the police. The level of willingness to take action against Islamist extremism is also high. The study confirms that aspects of alienation correlate with reduced willingness to take action against Islamist extremism, although they do not necessarily lead to disengagement.
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| 2 |
ID:
151000
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| Summary/Abstract |
At a time when political debate in the West is preoccupied with the perceived impact of extremist ideas on individuals who embrace or support terrorism, this article uses the publicly articulated grievances of Ayman al-Zawahiri, Al-Qaeda’s most prolific ideologue, as a case study to examine how a globally focused and distributed extremist narrative matches political realities on the ground. The approach of the article is to compare two political processes: the approach of Islamist extremists, as represented by Zawahiri, to constitutional reform as articulated through public appeals to potential supporters versus the reality of constitutional amendments and evolution of fundamental law in the Middle East and South Asia. Incorporating insights from studies on law and society and International Relations, the article demonstrates how Zawahiri’s interpretation of religious law emphasises wholesale adoption of sharia while the process of legal reform has invariably resulted in the creation of legal hybrids, mixing Islamic and non-Islamic legal traditions. This is not an article about theology or religious law but an effort to dissect the public relations of an international terrorist movement. The analysis pays particular attention to events in Zawahiri’s native Egypt, where evolving grievances concerning a series of constitutional amendments – including those following the Arab revolutions and the toppling of Mohammed Morsi – are assessed.
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| 3 |
ID:
116218
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article, the authors apply the four-phase radicalization model proposed by Silber and Bhatt 1
to a case study of Australia's first convicted terrorist, Jack Roche, based on communication with Roche after his incarceration and on a qualitative analysis of his trial. In doing so, they examine the validity of the four-phase model to a case of "home grown" terrorism and dissect the role of religion in the radicalization process. To conclude, the authors find that religion plays a far lesser role in radicalization toward violent extremism than the policy response contends and this has implications for counterterrorism programs that aim to address the drivers of violent extremism.
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| 4 |
ID:
114451
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Pakistan has been in existence for more than six decades but the state
has not been able to define its identity till date. Born as a result of the
demand for a separate Muslim homeland, it eventually stood as the
saviour of Islam and, in the process, the military led country has adopted
policies based on religion which have had severe repercussions for the
state. Religion has been used in Pakistan in roles ranging from nationbuilding to strategic security.
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| 5 |
ID:
131210
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| 6 |
ID:
090895
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines the use of the suicide terrorism tactic as an organizational tool, and explains why it has gained common usage by organizations.The various methods of profiling and their shortcomings are demarcated, and it is argued that organizational profiling of suicide bombing should be the preferred analytical tool for researchers trying to analyse the dynamics of the suicide tactic.
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| 7 |
ID:
092670
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| 8 |
ID:
129296
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| 9 |
ID:
095494
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
When states collapse, so do the most obvious obstacles to violent extremism in their territory. Extremists seem free to recruit and operate from these areas without interference from state security forces. In reality, however, state collapse creates as many constraints as opportunities for extremists. This paper problematizes the commonly held view that there is a strong link between state collapse and the rise of extremism, in particular Al Qaeda-linked extremism, that creates security threats worldwide. By comparing the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) in Somalia and Al Qaeda in Iraq in Iraq, the paper discusses the implications of state collapse for Islamist extremism. Our empirical analysis suggests that although there is a correlation between state collapse and an increase in Islamists' appeal and influence, state collapse does not necessarily generate more violent ideologies. Rather, state collapse allows those committed to violence under all circumstances to ally more moderate elements. If the population comes to see the Islamists as destabilizing rather than securing, they may turn on them, leading the moderate Islamists to either break with the extremists, or follow them to the political margins. Similarly, extremists may grow weary of moderate actions, demanding that the group increase its violence and, again, forcing moderates to choose between the extremists' vision and broad political support. Therefore, our main finding is that contrary to the commonly held view, the population of a collapsed state, rather than an extremists' hotbed, can, in fact, be a potentially powerful anti-extremist force.
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| 10 |
ID:
178938
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article studies media material which individuals who planned or carried out acts of terrorism in the United Kingdom between 2004 and 2017 collected before their involvement in these activities concluded. It explores the nature and type of content found, the “levels” of extremities that can be detected in these narratives as well as their source. It identifies repetitions in selection and differences in selection between lone actors and those who operated together in a group. Finally, it traces any temporal changes that emerged over the period under examination.
The article presents the subjects’ collection of ideological and facilitative media as reflections of the information environment which was available to them that helped to shape their perspective. It argues that subjects’ selections and choices from a much wider pool of available sources of information represent actions or behaviours that are observable. Moreover, it argues that studying these patterns and dynamics should form an essential part of our understanding of the way in which terrorism features and unfolds in different contexts.
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| 11 |
ID:
104636
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| 12 |
ID:
140549
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| Summary/Abstract |
Islamist extremism as an ideology has seemingly spread in influence in the past few years. The violent Islamist threat may have a singular religious dogma, but that does not mean that it will interact in the same fashion within the various cultures it infests. The Sub-Saharan region is one general context where Islamist extremism is both vividly active and misunderstood. Africa's reaction to: Arabization; the adjustment to post-colonial rule; the perception of secular government institutions; the extent of cultural and religious pluralism; and the local character of Muslim leadership and institutions are all very different from that of the Middle East. Scores of terrorism analysts and even Arab populations only too familiar with the Middle East context superimpose Middle East threats over the Sub-Saharan African cultural landscape. Instead of generalizing the Islamist threats, it might be better to ask why it is that violent Islamist groups have traditionally been challenged to expand their influence in Muslim Sub-Saharan Africa. The underestimated Islamist is using ignorance to its advantage, recruiting through channels unnoticed by its Arab counterparts while creatively catering its message by region.
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| 13 |
ID:
162461
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper analyses the Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) and the Indian Mujahideen (IM) through the lens of social movement theory. By locating these movements in a larger historical and socio-political configuration, the paper documents the national and international political opportunities that fostered SIMI and IM's emergence and radicalisation, including the rise of Hindu extremism, socially institutionalised discrimination and international Islamist revival. Further, the paper investigates the emergence of a seemingly new collective identity and the resources it mobilised. Finally, it investigates the frames employed in justifying calls for violence by deconstructing and contextualising the groups’ Islamic cultural repertoires.
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