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| 1 |
ID:
136963
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| Summary/Abstract |
This special edition is the product of the 16th Annual International Conference on Economics and Security, held at the American University in Cairo, Egypt, 21–22 June 2012. The conference was organized by the Department of Public Policy and Administration, American University in Cairo, Economists for Peace and Security (Egypt), Economists for Peace and Security (UK), Economists for Peace and Security (US), and the School of Global Affairs at the American University in Cairo. The conference addressed a trajectory of current issues pertaining to the region and across the globe, ranging from applied to theoretical. The conference participants are policy scientists and researchers from different academic institutions and parts of the world, including Egypt, the UK, Greece, the USA, Sweden, China, Turkey, Italy, Germany, South Africa, the Netherlands, Portugal, Switzerland, and Spain.
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| 2 |
ID:
136966
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the relationship between defense and social welfare expenditures using a panel of 29 OECD countries from 1988 to 2005. It is quite difficult to take into account the simultaneous channels empirically through which the eventual allocation of defense and welfare spending is determined for the guns-and-butter argument. Taking advantage of our collected panel data-set, the panel generalized method of moments method is adopted to control the country-specific heterogeneity and to mitigate the potential simultaneity problem. The main finding of this article suggests a positive trade-off between military spending and two types of social welfare expenditures (i.e. education and health spending). One of the reasons may be that the OECD countries are more supportive of the social welfare programs; therefore, when the military spending is increased (e.g. military personnel and conscripts), the government may raise the health and education spending as well.
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| 3 |
ID:
124518
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
There has been much debate in many forums to seek a settlement of the Darfur conflict (DC), but no study has addressed its economic cost. This study is the first attempt to quantify the economic cost of the DC. The war's costs include the destruction of infrastructure, direct military spending attributable to the war effort, and the impact of the latter on capital formation. In addition, the human destruction - loss of life and income - must be taken into account. Our calculations show that the government of Sudan has incurred costs totaling US$30.5 billion, equivalent to 171% of 2003 Gross Domestic Product GDP, on the war in Darfur. This includes $10.1 billion in direct military expenses; $7.2 billion in the lost productivity of internally displaces persons; $2.6 billion in foregone lifetime earnings of the dead; $4.1 billion in infrastructure damage; and $6.5 billion in war impacts on GDP. The total costs of the war are $41.5 billion if we added military spillover and African Union/UN hybrid operation in Darfur peace-keeping operations of $10.9 billion. While the country has spent only 1.3% of its budget on public health and less than 1% on education over the past two decades. The war consumes 13% of GDP in a society that lacks the means to provide the basic entitlements of education, food, health care, and shelter to its people.
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| 4 |
ID:
116063
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) countries have been characterized by the preponderant role of their military forces in economic matters, as demonstrated by the high levels of military spending and the growing industrial complex. While extensive research examines the relationship between military expenditure and economic growth, little attention has been paid to the effect of military expenditure on economic inequality. Studying inequality in MENA countries provides an opportunity to assess factors that shape the countries' level of economic well-being, which has greater public policy implications in terms of how society allocates its scarce resources among competing needs. This paper examines two important issues. In the first part of the paper, we examine the relationship between military spending and inequality in MENA countries using a panel regression for country-level observations over the period 1987-2005. The empirical results indicate that military spending has a strong and negative effect on inequality. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, in MENA countries a systematic increase in military spending could reduce the level of inequality. In the second part of this paper, we examine the demand for military expenditure; we find that factors such as inequality level and per capita income negatively affect military expenditure.
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| 5 |
ID:
136964
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This paper examines the impact of military expenditure on economic growth on a large balanced panel, using an exogenous growth model and dynamic panel data methods for 106 countries over the period 1988–2010. A major focus of the paper is to consider the possibility group heterogeneity and non-linearity. Having estimated the model for all of the countries in the panel and finding that military burden has a negative effect on growth in the short and long run, the panel is broken down into various groupings based upon a range of potentially relevant factors, and the robustness of the results is evaluated. The factors considered are different levels of income, conflict experience, natural resources abundance, openness and aid. The estimates for the different groups are remarkably consistent with those for the whole panel, providing strong support for the argument that military spending has adverse effects on growth. There are, however, some intriguing results that suggest that for certain types of countries military spending has no significant effect on growth.
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| 6 |
ID:
090918
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The relationship between military spending and economic inequality is not well documented within the empirical literature, while numerous studies have uncovered the linkages between military spending and other macroeconomic variables, such as economic growth, unemployment, purchasing power parity, black market premium, poverty and investment. The purpose of this article is to examine the causal relationship between military spending and inequality using BVC and SIPRI data across 58 countries from 1987 to 1999. Panel unit root tests indicate that two inequality measures (Theil and EHII) under consideration are likely to be non-stationary. The authors' work addresses the adverse implications of modeling with non-stationary variables, since this omission casts serious doubt on the reliability of the relationship between military spending and inequality. The recently developed panel Granger non-causality tests provide no evidence to support the causal relationship in either direction between the military spending and the change in economic inequality. The results are consistently robust to alternative data sources for military spending, to alternative definitions of the inequality measures, to the log transformation of the military spending, to the deletion of some data points, and to the division of OECD and non-OECD countries. Finally, the impulse responses and variance decompositions based on the panel vector autoregressive regression model are consistent with the findings from Granger non-causality tests.
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| 7 |
ID:
174614
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In pursuit of good governance and better allocation of resources, corruption is of interest to policymakers and citizens alike. Using panel data from 1996 to 2016 for 59 countries, the aim of this paper is to examine the relation between military spending and corruption. Taking the advantage of GMM method, we have shown across different measures of military spending, countries with higher levels of corruption tend to exhibit higher levels of military expenditures.
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